Friday, November 10, 2017

Worldwide Foster Wallace

Worldwide Foster Wallace

ELSA COURT

David Foster Wallace's Infinite Jest was first published in 1996, and immediately inspired comparisons with other lengthy, encyclopedic, experimental works published in the United States since the 1960s – Thomas Pynchon's V emerged as a particular influence on the younger writer. Reviewing Infinite Jest for the TLS, Bharat Tandon saw it as an opportunity to consider the future of the "Big American Novel". Length, it seemed, had become one of the distinctive features of contemporary American fiction – one which Tandon playfully equated with literary merit.
Infinite Jest is indeed a long book; and David Foster Wallace is still thought of as a quintessentially American figure, which makes sense insofar as he wrote about the impatience and hopelessness of late-capitalist American dreams. As many critics have remarked over the past twenty years, it is Wallace's grasp of America's neoliberal economy and entertainment culture that made Infinite Jest a touchstone for a generation. Being himself a great consumer of the major American postmodern authors – from Pynchon to William Gass, and from Donald Bathelme to Don DeLillo and John Barth – Wallace was also a product of what Mark McGurl has called the "Program Era". For McGurl, the rise of the creative writing programme in America has reinforced a contemporary consensus about a "vivacious American individualism" – an isolated and institutionalized tradition to which Wallace himself seemed to be a prominent contributor.
As Lucas Thompson points out in his introduction to Global Wallace: David Foster Wallace and world literature, Wallace had many issues with the insular self-centredness of the typical creative writing MFA. He did time in such an environment, teaching at the University of Arizona, where, rather than familiarizing themselves with Homer or Cervantes, students were encouraged in the belief that "Salinger invented the wheel, Updike internal combustion, and Carver, Beattie, and Phillips drive what's worth chasing". That Wallace took issue with MFA programmes for their side­lining of the canon of Western literature, and their prioritizing of a largely ahistorical, parochial alternative, is testimony to his sense of the writer's duty to participate in the global literary dialogue – a living tradition of linguistic and cultural exchange.
In this context, Thompson's book makes the welcome suggestion that Wallace's subtle, sometimes oblique, but no less important allusions to Latin American, French, or Russian literature ought to be weighed against his interest in what it is to be American. "It is a recurring omission in literary criticism", Thompson argues, "that when authors are claimed by tacitly patriotic scholars with particular national interests, the more expansive, global dimensions of their fiction are suppressed, and become harder to see." With recent revisionist, transnational accounts of Virginia Woolf, Emily Dickinson and Jane Austen in mind, Thompson suggests that a narrow critical consensus about Wallace prevents us from seeing the true richness of his work.
That there is now a Bloomsbury series called David Foster Wallace Studies, to which Global Wallace belongs, testifies to a worldwide growth of interest in that work – yet the goal today, as Thompson argues, must be to "defuse the exceptionalist claims surrounding Wallace's work". Thompson's book is the first to report from the fiction library of Wallace's Harry Ransom Center archive in such depth, and here Thompson has unearthed copious evidence of Wallace's readings of foreign literature – specifically, his margin­alia in annotated copies of Dostoevsky, Manuel Puig, Kafka and others. This helps us to put Wallace's "Americanness" in its proper context. Thompson's penultimate chapter, for example, examines the influence of French existentialism on Wallace by way of his interest in the Deep South. In this chapter and throughout the book, Thompson underlines Wallace's "strategies of appropriation": his famous essay "This is Water", strikingly, can be traced back to Walker Percy's novel The Moviegoer. A brief and cryptic preliminary sketch for what Wallace envisaged as a "Story of terrible dread" and "spiritual resurrection", hand-written on the inside flap of his copy of Flannery O'Connor's Collected Stories, shows that rather than directly referencing Sartre or Camus – whom Wallace had read in French – he responded indirectly, via post-war fiction that had already absorbed the influence of French existential thinking.
Thompson's final chapter turns to Wallace's conception of race, considering his varied – and loosely interdependent – interests in popanthropology, myth, cultural archetypes and African American culture. Only here, in the course of a rare account of Wallace's Signifying Rappers – a book that has been criticized for its clumsy, self-affirmed "white yuppie" perspective on race relations in the US – Thompson seems to err, by conflating "global" literature with the diversity of American subcultures Wallace drew on. Thompson also admits that Wallace's relationship with Asia remains to be explored: the archive offers evidence of his interest in post-war and contemporary Japanese novelists, including Yukio Mishima, Yasunari Kawabata and Banana Yoshimoto, as well as Eastern philosophy, particularly Buddhism. A reading of these works in relation to Wallace could have enriched the volume, while the question of Wallace's understanding of race and otherness might make for a book in its own right. All the same, Global Wallace has great merit for turning the notion of Wallace's exceptionalism on its head.
Interpreting Wallace's work is not an easy task. His novels and short stories use many voices; they insert dense analytical jargon into passages of lyrical prose; and they invite readers to go back and forth between the small print of the main text and the smaller print of footnotes: yet Wallace also warned young writers that "The reader cannot read your mind". What are we to make of the formal obstacles his own writing poses, bearing in mind his claim that good writing always actively attempts communication – and his broader injunction to open up and communicate sincerely?
In The Unspeakable Failures of David Foster Wallace, Clare Hayes-Brady suggests that Wallace dramatizes the inward entrapment of consciousness, and invites the reader to struggle against it. Hayes-Brady's title is playfully deceptive: she suggests that Wallace's "failures" are also at the crux of his greatest achievement – namely, his re-enactment of our failure to communicate.
For Hayes-Brady, "commitment to the process of communication (rather than its outcome) is the driving force of [Wallace's] writing". The difficulties he seems to pose derive from his deeper sense of communication as a continuing dialogical process. The "failure" of communication, in this context, is to be understood as "generative": not so much a defeat as an invitation, after Beckett, to use the certainty of failure as a reason to keep trying.
Hayes-Brady's book also strikes against Wallace's apparent exceptionalism, in drawing attention to his philosophical and literary influences. Fiction enabled him to explore philosophical concepts through concrete formal experimentations in ways that philosophical writing would have left at another level of abstraction. Yet Wallace engaged with philosophers such as Paul Ricoeur, Richard Rorty and Wittgenstein, to whom he makes direct references in his first novel, The Broom of the System (1987). The nineteenth-century transcen­d­entalists Emerson and Thoreau, as well as Pynchon and DeLillo, were influences he both acknowledged and resisted, in what Hayes-Brady calls a "schizoaffective critical articulation" of his literary and intellectual heritage.
Although it offers pertinent readings of the constant interplay of philosophy and literature in Wallace's work, Unspeakable Failures falls slightly short of providing a satisfying sense of critical progression, perhaps because it does not spend sufficient time on close examinations of the writing itself. Hayes-Brady could have considered at greater length, for instance, the internal monologue of the catatonic Hal Incandenza at the start of Infinite Jest, a good example of Wallace's concern with solipsism. Making pointed references to such milestone passages but shying away from close readings, the book concentrates on Wallace as an author of ideas, and leaves the task of asserting his place in contemporary American literature incomplete.
In the introduction to David Foster Wallace's Balancing Books: Fictions of value, Jeffrey Severs argues that ideas of economic value, market and exchange inform Wallace's work – his "balancing books" – right up to The Pale King, his posthumously published novel about the Internal Revenue Service.
He argues that The Broom of the System registers the decline of the American work ethic in the Reagan era, while the short story collection Brief Interviews with Hideous Men (1999) maps out an economy of heterosexual relationships – romantic, sexual, nurturing, or the absence thereof – in terms of balanced economic equations. Infinite Jest, meanwhile, experiments with an overlooked "commonwealth" of universal agreement on values, such as measurement systems. It also introduces Wallace's notion of "Subsidized Time":
. . . only as the reader struggles to establish a chronology in Infinite Jest (before getting some help from a calendar [IJ 223]) does it become clear that numbered years are, indeed, a shared civic measurement, a unit essential to finding one's place in the world because time itself seems to all of us a commonwealth subject to privatization . . .
Severs's take on the reader's efforts to read Wallace is not far removed from Hayes-Brady's: "we do interpretative work", he writes, "identifying the opportunities Hal and others have to find ground and value"; in turn, in the process of reading and sharing in the commonwealth of language, we find a similar redemption. "Workers of Wallace, unite" is the injunction made by the chapter on the redemptive power of strenuous work in Infinite Jest; this is a grace that touches the recovering addict Don Gately, but lacking in Hal, the tennis prodigy spoiled for knowledge.
From these three assessments of David Foster Wallace emerges a shared theme: a common determination to question the already established myths, to relocate this prodigal son of American literature in a broader cultural context. Dave Eggers's introduction to the tenth anniversary edition of Infinite Jest argued that "comparisons [of the novel] to anything [before it and] since are desperate and hollow"; these compelling new perspectives offer a necessary corrective to that view.

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Tuesday, November 7, 2017

纽约拍出的韩干《马性图》初探_古代艺术_澎湃新闻-The Paper


纽约拍出的韩干《马性图》初探

杨永平

2017-11-07 08:48

字号
今年美国纽约佳士得春季拍卖会藤田美术馆专拍的六件绘画作品中,韩干(传)的《马性图》画幅右上方所钤印为"尚书省印",而非如《石渠宝笈》初编卷32所载为"睿思东阁"一玺。作者通过对"尚书省印"和存世可靠作品上钤盖的"尚书省印"之比较,展开了对《马性图》在南宋内府收藏与明初宫廷收藏之间所经历的辗转流传之论述。

2017年纽约佳士得春季拍卖会藤田美术馆专拍的六件绘画作品中,韩干(传)的《马性图》在《石渠宝笈》初编卷32里是这样记载的:"唐韩干马性图一卷(上等黄一),素绢本,墨画,无款。姓名见跋中。卷前有睿思东阁一玺,又商邱宋荦审定真迹一印,卷后有司印半印……"
"有司印"半印,即此卷左下方半方"典礼纪察司印",为明初宫廷收藏印;而画幅右上方所钤漫漶不可辨之印,真如《石渠宝笈》所述为"睿思东阁"吗?
"睿思东阁"方印有两种,一为篆文小印,多钤于法书上,一为九叠文大印,多钤于画上,都是宋徽宗所用。《石渠》所辨者,即为九叠文"睿思东阁"大印。
客观地看,本幅《马性图》历经多次装裱,不但画心有很明显的裁切,而作为载体的绢,更是在长时间的氧化和每一次装裱的损伤后,破损、扭曲现象非常严重,上面最早时所钤图章漫漶,仅靠肉眼很难精确辨别。
《马性图》很有可能在清初由《装余偶记》的作者进行了最后一次装裱。书中是这样记载的:"唐韩干马卷,高官尺一尺,阔一尺一寸二分(注),绢本,马黑如漆,鼻,四蹄,尾白,绢细厚,红黄色,上有古印一不能辨,在右下有纪察司印。"①
现在,当我们仔细观察这方所谓的"睿思东阁"大印的时候,却能明显发现其笔划及篆法与传世可靠的"睿思东阁"印大相径庭,再经过仔细辨对,才发现这不是"睿思东阁",而是"尚书省印"。本方"尚书省印"和存世可靠作品上钤盖的"尚书省印"之比较,我们将在下文展开。
睿思东阁
本印(尚书省印)
关于"尚书省印",学界关于其年限尚无统一定论,大概存在三种观点:一,北宋内府印;二,北宋末、南宋初期内府印;三,南宋淳熙(1174——1189)前内府印。即便以这三种观点的下限来限定,我们亦可确定钤盖明确之"尚书省印"的书画作品,至迟亦是南宋淳熙间内府藏画。②
画面左下钤"司印"半印,即"典礼纪察司印"之半印,此印为明初宫廷藏书画用印,其钤盖年限等问题,我们亦会在下文进行论述。
那么,在南宋内府收藏与明初宫廷收藏之间,本幅《马性图》又经历了怎样的辗转呢?我们不能完全排除中间出现的诸多可能性,为了行文的完整性与流畅性,本文只对最大的可能进行探讨,并在注释中相应提及几种可能性。③
庄申先生说:"钤有司印的书画,俱为明室御藏。明代得基甚速,元帝仓卒北遁不及携宫中宝藏,所以明初御苑所有,可说尽为元室旧藏。"④1368年8月,徐达攻入元大都,旋即"封府库图书,守宫门,禁士卒侵暴"⑤;而后,"明太祖定元都,大将军收图籍致之南京。"⑥。"明军……有计划封库,因此假定明初内府所藏是直接得自元内府,当不致大误。"⑦
而元内府书画收藏的建立,则更加直接明确。1276年2月,伯颜围临安,南宋朝廷求和被拒后,奉玺书向伯颜投降。伯颜入临安后,"即封府库,收史馆理事图书,及百官符印。"⑧10月,"两浙宣抚使焦友直以临安经籍图书、阴阳秘书来上",交由秘书监收掌。这部分南宋秘府的旧藏,是构成元内府书画的重要组成。⑨
由此,《马性图》经过明御府收藏是没有争议的,问题的关键在于本印是否为"尚书省印",以及"尚书省印"在南宋秘府书画收藏中有怎样的地位。
由于绢质本身的拉扯、变形、破裂等原因,为了使对比更具客观性,我们将本章与同样钤盖在作品右上角的克里夫兰博物馆的传为巨然《溪山兰若图》上的"尚书省印"进行四个字的分别比较。以下四组对比图中,左上图和右下图取自本幅,并进行了相应的提亮处理,其中,左上图还根据绢的拉扯变形进行了复原处理。
尚字之纵横对比。
书字之纵横对比。
省字之纵横对比。
印字之纵横对比。
通过以上四图的比对,可以清楚而直观地发现,除了不可避免的因印泥厚薄导致的线条粗细问题,以及各自不同的残缺、漫漶部位,可资比较的部分,无论是大小,还是线条的转角、弧度、交叉部位等,都是高度一致的,由此我们基本可以判定,韩干(传)《马性图》上所钤之"尚书省印",即传世画作中南宋秘府所钤之"尚书省印"。
我们通过比对存世书画(碑帖)作品(不包含本件《马性图》)上所钤八方"尚书省印"为同一印,而"尚书省印"在《马性图》上的发现,具有很大的意义。
南宋秘府由"经籍案"负责经籍书画的储藏提领,并由秘阁负责书画的鉴定审核、装裱、编目造册等职权,而秘府所藏书画,1199年后,需"编订目本,赴都堂请印",都堂印文即为"尚书省印",画背则钤"秘书省印"。存世南宋秘府画作,因为都已经过重新装裱,所以无从勘看原裱褙的"秘书省印",而画心所钤"尚书省印",则均位于画心本幅右上角,应是当时的统一规制。⑩
根据边缘清晰的"尚书省印"印文,如纳尔逊博物馆藏的"传李成《晴峦萧寺》图轴),皇家安大略博物馆藏的"传梁师闵《芦汀密雪图》卷"和北京故宫藏的"北宋摹刘敞《书秋水篇》",该印尺寸为6.4cmX6.4cm。本幅《马性图》因中间有破损及略微扭曲,按照依稀可见的左右边缘线来测量,宽度约为6.2cm,略有误差,但应即同一方印所钤。○11
至于"司印"半印,则是洪武时期宫廷书画收藏所用,学界亦有疑为"纪察司印"半印。之所以所见均为半印,主要是因为明代宫廷收藏书画的勘合制度。在钤盖藏印时,一半在书画本幅上,另一半在登记所用的帐薄上,再于裱边和帐薄上各留千字文编号的一半,如此,既方便查找审阅,又能相当程度上起到防伪防调包的作用。○12
上图取自本幅
下图取自刘九庵《朱檀墓出土画卷的几个问题》一文
明初内官制度的设立变动较为频繁 "(洪武)六年……寻置纪事司……置内正司……旋改为典礼司,又改为典礼纪察司。"○13又,宋濂在《恭题御赐文集后》有这么一段话:"洪武八年……(张)渊引臣至典礼纪察司"。因为《明史》中存在"寻"、"旋"、"又"等不确定性用词,我们只能据此推断典礼纪察司的设立时间大概在洪武六年至八年间(1373——1375)。洪武十七年(1384),典礼纪察司升级为"司礼监",至洪武二十八年(1395),司礼监的职能明确为"掌管婚丧祭礼仪、制帛,与御前勘合、赏赐笔墨、裱褙、书画"等等。由此,根据典礼纪察司的存在时间,或可推断明初宫廷藏画钤盖"司印"半印的时间段或为1373——1384年间。
由此可见,本幅《马性图》在流入民间之前,可以确定经过南宋秘府收藏和明初御府收藏,并有很大概率经过元内府收藏。

张锡为本卷所留的题跋中有这么一句:"今观太史徐时用先生所藏韩生《马性图》。"张锡的生卒不详,在郎瑛的《七修类稿》有这样一段记载:"张锡,字天锡,天顺壬午(1462)领乡荐,春闱不偶,授山西大同府应州山阴县教谕……天资俊拔,下笔成文……青楼红粉、名公钜卿争相迎递,远近无不知其名者……"而从他的这一句题跋中,我们可以得到一些非常有意思的信息。
从"太史徐时用先生"这个称谓说起。太史是古代对于史官的称呼,到了明代,由翰林院负责修史之事,故而称翰林为太史。根据《明史﹒徐溥列传》的记载,徐溥(1428——1499)于景泰五年(1454)进士及第授编修(正七品),至宪宗初(1465)而擢左庶子(任职于詹事府,正五品)。由此观之,徐用时先生,亦即徐溥在翰林院任职的时间为1454至1465年间。
与此同时,天顺六年的举人张锡,却错过了(不偶)天顺七年(1463)年的春闱。很难说这是幸运或者是不幸。因为这场会试,发生了不可思议火灾,考官们都逃生了,而参加考试的学子却被烧死了九十多人。"远近无不知其名"的张锡,在等到可怜的到山西乡下当教谕(正八品)的分配通知前,应该在北京度过了一段不长的悠闲时光(他没有资格参加八月重开的会试)。
由此可以推断,翰林徐溥与张锡的交集,大约发生在1463年春夏之间,不出意外,这段题跋应该也作于此时。至于后文杨一清所题的"皆三十年前为公题者",应是为行文方便而作的统称。想来错过会试的举人,或者正八品的外官,会堂堂然对一位正五品乃至更高位阶的官员直呼"太史徐时用先生"。
考虑到张锡的题跋是第一段,或者其时徐溥得到本图的时间也不会太久。然而,内府藏画怎么会到翰林徐溥之手呢?
明代初宫廷书画的散出,大概有三个途径,一是皇帝的赏赐,尤其是朱元璋分封诸子为藩王时,顺带赏赐了大量内府所藏的书画作品。晋王世子朱奇源在《宝贤堂集古法帖》的序文中这么说道:"初之国时,太祖高皇帝赐前代墨本甚多。"经过100来年的世事变迁,藩王中破落者将所赐书画释出,流于坊间,亦未可知。
第二种途径则是对大臣的赏赐。譬如前文所述宋濂,他在张渊的带领下来到典礼纪察司,便是因为朱元璋赏给他一部"新刊文集"。当然,考虑到徐溥当时不过一介翰林,通过这一途径得到本卷的可能性为零;但不能排除以前的大臣获赐再由后人流出的可能。
第三种途径在今天看来比较不可思议:以内府藏书画抵充官员俸禄。比较有名的一次发生在成化五年(1469),御史李瑢发现很多内府藏品,包括书画,都要腐坏无用了,建议抵扣俸禄处理并得到皇帝的首肯。虽然这事发生在成化年间,但亦不能排除此前或有先例。○14
徐溥是一个低调的人,为官如此,收藏也如此。存世堪称国宝级的藏品中,北宋张择端的《清明上河图》和唐人怀素的《自叙帖》皆为徐溥旧藏。徐溥的低调就在于,这两件重要作品,均无本人题跋或藏印,后人能推知为他所藏,皆因《清明上河图》后李东阳的题跋和《自叙帖》后文彭的题跋。本件《马性图》亦是如此。同时,遍翻《谦斋文录》,虽常有咏画诗,却不见关于这三件作品的只言。
妙的是,传世徐溥收藏的这三个手卷,均有吴宽(1435——1504)题跋。后人皆知吴宽为书画大家,却不知这位成化八年(1472)的状元郎,亦由翰林院编修和左庶子起步,最终官至礼部尚书。吴宽本跋,款署"翰林吴宽题",当在成化八年至二十三年间(1472——1487)。在此期间,徐溥曾任太常卿兼学士、礼部右侍郎、左侍郎等职。
徐溥于1499年过世后,这卷《马性图》随即释出。杨一清(1454——1530)的题跋说:"公(徐溥)平生酷爱画,盖赏鉴家也……(两跋)皆三十年前为公题者,公谢世,此卷流落京师,余购得之。偶与漳涯薛君论画,君博雅好古,因举以赠之。"
本跋惜未署年款,但以跋文观之,杨一清应是在徐溥过世后于北京购得本卷。杨一清小吴宽19岁,与吴宽同为成化八年进士,按其"三十年前为公题者"的记忆,想来出入不会太大。又,杨一清中进士后,丁父忧归而授中书舍人,后任陕西副使督学,在陕西任职长达八年,再任太常寺少卿、南京太常寺卿,弘治十五年(1502),出任都察院左副都御使;弘治十七年(1504),蒙古贵族吉囊潜入河套,杨一清出任陕西巡抚,离开北京。○15因此,杨一清得到本卷并转赠"漳涯薛君"的时间应在1502年至1504年间,由此上溯,吴宽题本卷的时间当在1474年前后。
那么,"漳涯薛君"又是何许人也?
"漳涯薛君"的下一任收藏者是崔铣(1478——1541),有《洹词》传世,其卷三有《漳涯先生配恭人刘氏墓志铭》,其文曰:"漳涯薛子全卿以书赴予,曰:斌全(上下)不幸,妻刘恭人死,唯先生铭……漳涯子弱冠举进士……两为令,皆剧邑,民以豪滑闻天下,由光守迁南京户部郎中。"
又,《洹词》第十一卷《赴召录》:"嘉靖……己亥(1539)……内阁提准改少詹事兼翰林侍读学士……四月三日庚子晨辞先祠、祭行道而出……壬寅(四月五日)发临漳……未刻至苑浦,薛氏庄运使全卿及其二子来候,授一餐,申刻至魏县,晚过薛宅,留饮。"
从几段文字中可以判断出,杨一清赠画者应即薛(斌全)。安阳崔铣与魏县薛(斌全)关系极为熟稔,两家住得既近(两天路程),彼此交集想来颇多。薛(斌全)将本卷《马性图》转赠崔铣亦在情理之中。而崔铣言薛(斌全)"弱冠举进士",则登弘治九年(1496)丙辰科三甲159名的薛(斌全),或生于1476年前后,与崔铣年龄相若。
崔铣在跋文中说道:"魏人贻予唐马图。予性不能画,置之案上阅年矣。今春奉召入京,子汲曰:'月塘子博雅好古,曷赠之。'予是其言,因识于末。"
崔铣于1539年,以62岁高龄重获启用,"奉召入京"。由"阅年"观之,薛(斌全)赠画于崔铣或在1538年。因崔铣所受官职为少詹事兼翰林侍读学士,故落款处其自称为"翰林崔铣。"
按《洹词》《赴召录》的记载,"戊午(四月二十三日)……至京……壬戌(四月二十七日)朝见……五月朔(五月一日)入院供职";而第十二卷《南陆志》:"嘉靖己亥后七月望(闰七月十五日),上晋臣铣为南京礼部右侍郎……(八月)十九日出都"。这样算来,崔铣在京任职共三个半月,留京时间近四个月。在这四个月里,崔铣除了上班,写文章,把《马性图》送给"博雅好古"的"月塘子",还参加了一次钤山堂诗会。○16
遗憾的是,我们无从考据"月塘子"是何许人,自然也无法知晓《马性图》于何时经由"月塘子"进入钤山堂之收藏。
钤山堂是严嵩的堂号,或许正是那次诗会过后,崔铣热情饱满地为同科进士严嵩写了一篇《钤山堂集序》。《钤山堂集序》收录于《洹词》卷十一,在《赴召录》后,《南陆志》前,应作于崔铣在京期间。文章不长,极尽一个朋友和下属的赞美之词。当然,严嵩也是"博雅好古"的,虽然《钤山堂集》里没有登录他的书画藏品,但文嘉的《钤山堂书画记》却对其进行了整理,所列古今书画共3201件。其中包括唐画韩干《马性图》,唐书怀素《自叙帖》和宋画张择端《清明上河图》。
文嘉参与清点严嵩父子所藏书画的时间是在1565年,前后历时三月,"凡分宜之旧宅、袁州之新宅、省城诸新宅所藏尽发以观"○17,应该涵盖了钤山堂所藏的重要作品。这批书画作品进内府转了一圈,不过两三年时间,又被隆庆皇帝折充官员俸禄流散出宫。明末沈德符的《万历野获编》卷八"籍没古玩":"严氏被籍……书画之属,入内府者,穆庙初年(1657),出以充武官岁禄,每卷轴作价不盈数缗,即唐宋名迹亦然。" 一缗相当于一千文,几千文就可以充抵一幅唐宋书画,这种内府书画的散逸真是令人唏嘘。
《马性图》就这样又一次暂时泯于民间收藏,再次见于著录,是在宋荦的《西陂类钞》:"韩马余见二卷,一为圉人呈马图,一为马性图,皆绢本,长不满二尺,唐人画卷往往如此。二卷笔墨高古,望去肥泽。" ○18事实上,《马性图》即为宋荦本人收藏。宋荦一代巨眼,书画鉴赏精确,甚为后代推崇。

韩干卓越的艺术成就是为他赢得生前身后名,并且身后名声日隆的最主要原因,但不可否认的是,来自诗圣杜甫的两句最著名也是最富争议的诗,也是客观上推动后世进行韩干研究的一大重要因素。诗出《丹青引·赠曹将军霸》:"干惟画肉不画骨,忍使骅骝气凋丧。"
关于这句诗的解读,有人按照排列组合的方式罗列出来很多种,本文不一一赘述。不过,既然本文讨论的是韩干的作品,那么,对于本诗的解读也是很有必要的。
《丹青引》280字,作于唐代宗广德二年(764)。其时,三年前茅屋为秋风所破的落魄诗人结识了流浪街头为"佳士写真"以谋生的更落魄的曹霸,心戚戚然而为之作。全诗主旨在于赞美曹霸画艺高超,其中关于画马部分的诗句如下:
"先帝御马五花骢,画工如山貌不同。
是日牵来赤墀下,迥立阊阖生长风。
诏谓将军拂绢素,意匠惨澹经营中。
斯须九重真龙出,一洗万古凡马空。
玉花却在御榻上,榻上庭前屹相向。
至尊含笑催赐金,圉人太仆皆惆怅。
弟子韩干早入室,亦能画马穷殊相。
干惟画肉不画骨,忍使骅骝气凋丧。"
首先应该明确一点,在《丹青引》里,曹霸是绝对的主角,里面出现的其他人物——当然唐玄宗除外——都是为了凸显曹霸的光辉。作为曹霸曾经的弟子,安史之乱后依然安享富贵并且声望日隆的韩干,自然是最好的比对对象。
同时,在这16句诗里,我们可以看出,玄宗时代"画工如山",画的都是"万古凡马",连被老杜点名的资格都没有。韩干被单独指出,这本身就是一种肯定。而能"穷殊相"则是韩干能从"如山画工"的"凡马"里脱颖而出的重要原因。所谓"殊相",语出南朝宋颜延之的《赭白马赋》:"双瞳夹镜,两权协月。异体峯生,殊相逸发",指的是龙马区别于凡马的体貌特征。韩干能把马的最本质的部分完美表现出来,自然不是一般的画工。当然,在以曹霸为主角的诗篇里,作为晚辈的韩干,自然,也是必须要下曹霸一等的,那便是"画肉不画骨",多了形的表达,少了神的展现。清人金圣叹说:"因转笔到入室弟子,如韩干者而终莫及……非过抑韩干也",诚哉斯言。○19
而在杜甫另一篇以韩干为主角的文章《画马赞》里,则是另外一种表述:
"韩干画马,毫端有神。骅骝老大,腰廀清新。鱼目瘦脑,龙文长身……瞻彼骏骨,实惟龙媒……良工惆怅,落笔雄才。"
仔细读来,除了"骏骨"两字,两篇被后人讥讽杜甫前后矛盾的文章并无太大冲突。《画马赞》里四匹马的最主要特征都表现出来了,这与《丹青引》里的穷殊相时符合的。而两文都提到的"骅骝",《丹青引》里说的是"画肉不画骨",《画马赞》里用"老大"概括,大抵应该也是一个意思。
苏东坡也有一首诗一篇赞,与杜甫的诗和赞对比读之,颇有意思。
其诗曰《书韩干牧马图》,中间有这么六句:
"往来蹙踏生飞湍,众工舐笔和朱铅。
先生曹霸弟子韩,厩马多肉尻睢圆。
肉中画骨夸尤难,金羁玉勒绣罗鞍。"
苏轼的《画马赞》则这样说:"韩干之马四……以为厩马也,则前无羁络,后无箠策;以为野马也,则隅目耸耳,丰臆细尾,皆中度程,萧然如贤大夫、贵公子,相与解带脱帽,临水而濯缨。遂欲高举远引,友麋鹿而终天年,则不可得矣;盖优哉游哉,聊以卒岁而无营。"
显然,苏轼对于杜甫的欣赏水平是有意见的,你说韩干画肉不画骨,我分明看到了"肉中画骨";你说他"气凋丧",我却分明感受到了"厩马"身上的"野马"气息,而且"萧然如贤大夫贵公子",这才是真正传神的表达啊。所以,"唐朝画马谁第一,韩干妙出曹将军"。
回到《马性图》。宋荦对《马性图》的评价是:"笔墨高古,望去肥泽","肥泽"二字,可谓备极精妙。
《马性图》高31.9厘米,宽38.4厘米
《马性图》(局部)
这匹鬃、尾未加修束的马显然是匹养尊处优的内厩马○20,非常符合苏轼诗中所谓的"多肉尻睢圆"之形象。马丰腴而神骏,左向侧立,头微右倾,作踱步状,意甚闲适,若踏壁而出。马身与马头乌黑若漆,毛色发亮,惟唇嘴、鬃毛、马尾与四蹄皆纯白如雪,不知是何名种。全图用笔较轻,敷色精巧,非常注意马身上光线的表现,尤其是额头、腹部、股腿等受光部分,层次表达非常柔和细腻,皮肉质感与立体感非常强烈。白色部分,细粉轻烘,鬃毛于尾巴之轻巧蓬松,更显此马优哉游哉。世传韩干画马之时,"必考时日,面方位,然后定形骨毛色"○21,其在马匹骨骼肌肉比例上的把握堪称精准,而在透视与光影的表现上,亦与后世西洋画之技法遥遥呼应。
说到内厩马,不得不提《宣和画谱》中对韩干的记载。宋徽宗酷爱韩干,《宣和画谱》中记载韩干作品30种,共52件,相信《宣和画谱》对韩干的记载应该是相对全面的:
"韩干,长安人。王维一见其画,遂推奖之。官止左武卫大将军。天宝初,明皇召干入为供奉。时陈闳乃以画马荣遇一时,上令师之,干不奉诏。他日问干,干曰:'臣自有师,今陛下内厩马,皆臣之师也'……开元后,天下无事,外域名马重译累至,内厩遂有飞黄、照夜、浮云、五方之乘,干之所师者,盖进乎此。"○22
这段文字应该是以《太平广记·韩干》为底本删改增益的,中间有一段被删节的文字是这样的:
"开元后,四海清平。外域名马,重译累至。然而砂碛且遥,蹄甲多薄。玄宗遂择其良者,与中国之骏,同颁马政。自此内廐有飞黄照夜浮云五方之乘。奇毛异状,筋骨既健,蹄甲皆厚。"
由于"外域名马"因长途跋涉导致蹄甲变薄这一缺陷,使得爱马懂马的唐玄宗不是很满意,于是这些马被用来配种,后代中的良骏得以进入内厩。以本幅《马性图》观之,此马或为《圉人呈马图》中那匹马的后代。惟该图之马,鼻、腹、蹄皆白,而鬃毛与尾部为黑。
《圉人呈马图》
最后说说本图的命名。
历代以马为主题的画作,或以马之数量名之,或以马之形态名之,或以马之名字名之,或以马与人物的关系名之,很少有"马性"这种形而上的命名方式,除了李公麟"在彭蠡滨,见野马千百为群,因作《马性图》。盖谓散逸水草,蹄龁起伏,得遂其性耳。知此则平日所为金覊玉勒,围官执策以临者,皆失马之性矣"○23。
那张锡为什么要为本幅起名《马性图》呢?张锡所谓的"马性"指的又是马的哪种性情呢?
冯梦龙的《古今谭概·谬误部·不服误》有一条关于张锡的记载:"天顺间,钱塘张锡作文极捷,而事多杜撰。有问者,则高声应曰:'出《太平广记》。'以其帙多难卒辨也。"
《太平广记》里没有找到相关记载,反而《世说新语》里有这么一条:"王武子善解马性。尝乘一马,着连钱障泥,前有水,终日不肯渡。王云:此必是惜障泥。使人解去,便径渡。"张锡的"马性"很有可能出于此典,或因韩干此马不着障泥,身无所羁。
张锡的命名充满了浪漫主义色彩,并为后世所沿用。都穆在韩干《双马图》的题跋中则这样写道:"近予又于宰石淙公(杨一清)处见干《马性图》,亦是真笔。惜无题识,盖世之售书画者,或为赝本,必移置题识以规厚利。若书画既真,人览之自知,虽无题识可也。"○24都穆此跋在认定本幅为韩干真迹的同时,却很确定地认为张锡之前必另有题跋。由此观之,在张锡之前,《马性图》另有其名亦未可知。
当然,内厩马各具其名,但我们无从考据此马是否为"飞黄、照夜、浮云、五方"中的某一匹,以此马的毛发特征看来,此马或为玄宗内厩之"浮云"马。 

注释:

①《装余偶记》卷一,"唐韩干马卷"。
② ○10 ○11综合参考彭慧萍《两宋宫廷书画储藏制度之变:以秘阁为核心的鉴藏机制研究》,《存世书画作品所钤宋代"尚书省印"考》和《两宋"尚书省印"之研究回顾暨五项商榷》三篇论文。三文分别发表于《故宫博物院院刊》2005年第1期,《文物》杂志2008年第11期,《故宫博物院院刊》2009年第1期。
③明初宫廷书画收藏主要由三部分构成。其中,1368年8月徐达攻入元大都,几乎完整接收了元内府的收藏品,这一部分是奠定明初宫廷收藏的最主要组成。其次,雄踞苏杭等地的另一反元政权张士诚的收藏,张士诚辖下,向为书画收藏之重镇,而张士诚其弟张士信又以雅好书画闻名,两张所藏尽入明内府。再次,明初胡惟庸案、蓝玉案、郭恒案、空印案等案件中所牵连贵戚功臣的收藏,亦多被查抄而入明内府。马衡先生据此而"颇疑钤有此项半印之书画,皆由查抄而来",或有以偏概全之嫌,却也说明了这部分书画也是构成明初宫廷书画收藏的重要组成部分。
④傅申,《从"司印"半印来看元内府藏品》,《元代皇室书画收藏史略》P98,《故宫丛刊甲种之十八》,国立故宫博物院,故宫丛刊编辑委员会,1981年1月。
⑤《明史》卷2《太祖二》,中华书局1974年4月版P21。
⑥《明史》卷96《艺文一》,中华书局1974年4月版P2343。
⑦傅申,《从"司印"半印来看元内府藏品》,《元代皇室书画收藏史略》P98,《故宫丛刊甲种之十八》,国立故宫博物院,故宫丛刊编辑委员会,1981年1月。
⑧《宋史》卷47《灜国公》,中华书局1985年6月版P938。
⑨傅申,《元代皇室书画收藏史略》P4,《故宫丛刊甲种之十八》,国立故宫博物院,故宫丛刊编辑委员会,1981年1月。
○12赵晶,《明代宫廷书画收藏考略》P4-P5,浙江大学学报(人文社会科学版网络版),2006年12月。
○13《明史》卷74《职官三·宦官》,中华书局1974年4月版P1823-1824。
○14御府藏书画的三种流出途径综合自赵晶《明代宫廷书画收藏考略》,浙江大学学报(人文社会科学版网络版),2006年12月。
○15《明史》卷198《列传·杨一清》,中华书局1974年4月版P5225-5235。
○16以上引自《洹词》部分,皆引自《四库全书》之《洹词》影印件。
○17文嘉,《钤山堂书画记》跋。
○18宋荦,《西陂类钞卷28,引自《四库全书》影印本。
○19金圣叹,《金圣叹评唐诗全编》P546,四川文艺出版社,1999年。
○20董军让,《唐代闲厩考》,《文博》2006年第2期P26:"史书一般将散布在园苑中的马厩统称为'苑厩',而将皇宫中的马厩称为'内厩'"。
○21董卣,《广川画跋》卷五《跋韩干马后为龙眠居士书》,引自《四库全书》影印本。
○22《宣和画谱》卷十三,《中国书画全书》P101,上海书画出版社,2000年12月。
○23李日华,《六研斋笔记》。
○24张丑,《清河书画坊》卷四下,"韩干双马图真迹神品"。

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