Tuesday, October 20, 2020

Peter Campbell · Art Lessons · LRB 13 August 2020

 

Peter Campbell · Art Lessons · LRB 13 August 2020

Dear Anna,

Here are some snapshots of Italy. Long ago, when you were still almost young enough to have a use for one, I promised you a proper picture book. Sorry I didn’t cough up; take these as a kind of apology.

You would take different pictures and see different things in them. These notes are about what I looked at and noticed. Looking and noticing are not, of course, the only reasons for making pictures. There are all sorts of makers and lookers – that is clear in the number of words we have for kinds of picture: icon, view, diagram, altarpiece, portrait, conversation piece, still life, perspective and so on and so on.

If a botanist or architect had taken the pictures she might have been noticing kinds of plant and kinds of building. I was more interested in the way the world offers itself up as a series of ready-made pictures. It does this because whatever I, or anyone else, sees is shaped by pictures which I have already seen. All makers of images borrow from each other. When people say this or that landscape is ‘picturesque’, they usually mean that it already looks like a picture to them because they remember a painter or photographer made a picture of something like it. Painting is not a language in any strict sense. The beauty of it is that it does not have to be translated, that it is simpler and more primitive than true language. But some of the ideas which come naturally when you make the comparison, in particular the notion that painting and speaking both depend on convention, seem valid. So these snaps are of bits of Italy which look like pictures or bits of pictures, and the words are about what I notice when I notice picture-like scenes.

peter campbell 01

A lot of painting is done from people’s heads. This photograph is of me doing one of the other sort – pictures of subjects in front of you. Sitting looking out of the window, I was trying to make marks equivalent to what I was seeing. But I was not trying to paint exactly what I saw; you could say I was trying to find a kind of handwriting to imitate bits of it. I have noticed that people are very fond of views out of windows which show the window in the picture. I think the idea that the picture itself is a kind of window, that the view comes ready framed, is part of it.

peter campbell 02

The yellow may be wild mustard; the yellow is lemons. The olive trees make a pattern; the tiles do too. These are now two of the commonest kinds of picture – landscape and still life. There was a time when people would have expected them to be about something (particularly landscapes). Now we would be surprised to find that we were supposed to think the lemons or the olives symbolised anything. The pictures are very simple, much simpler than the world. I took the fruit basket off the table so the picture would be just of it and the wall and the tiles, and I avoided getting any houses or the road or people into the landscape. This has its advantages, and lots of paintings work by making less stand for more. But getting hold of the complexity of the world, getting everything in as Bonnard, say, or Rubens sometimes seem to, is the best and most difficult game.

peter campbell 03

Those vines out of the window. Two ways of making complexity legible – put it in perspective or make a pattern of it. When you paint landscapes the man-made bits, like rows of vines, are ready-made patterns, created by the person who planted and pruned them. These rhythms are won at a price; the pruned, tended landscape is easier to paint because the true complexity of nature has already been simplified, often brutally so. Van Gogh had a wonderful gift in his drawings for the things in the foreground of landscapes such as grass and crops. These vines are the kind of thing you can paint with single calligraphic strokes that match the twists of the trunks.

peter campbell 04

The true confusion of the world. If you don’t let your eye skid over them you will note the toothed outlines of the leaves among the yellow flowers, and the black and white cat in the shade. These are uncomposed pictures, very unlike the perspective of vines. You cannot even see what they represent unless you spend a little time peering into them. That is another thing paintings do: they control the speed and direction of the eye as it scans the field.

peter campbell 05

The olive trees were wonderful. The grey-green was beautiful, and even more beautiful when there was green grass to see it against; trunks, often gnarled, and huge stumps sometimes proved that young-looking trees grew on ancient roots. The post was a fine grey too. When it came to thinking about pictures they were not so different.

peter campbell 06

All pattern is regularity of some sort. Orvieto cathedral is geometrically regular. Stripes repeat; the projecting chapels are like big columns attached to the building; the real attached columns echo them. Making pictures of buildings is like building them again. You notice which parts are the same as other parts.

With the olive trees same is different. None is identical, yet all start as trunks which bifurcate and then bifurcate again into twigs and finally leaves. In some ways the structure of the twig is the same as the structure of the whole tree. A picture of olive trees which notes every leaf can be wonderful, but every leaf is not the only thing to notice.

peter campbell 17

The structure of the little bench can be read. The struts stop the seat sagging and hold in the feet, which would otherwise splay out. The pieces running along under the seat make it stronger too. The visual structure of the picture is equally simple. The light is behind, and the shadow of the tiles which edge the roof make a pattern on the gravel. Could that be painted so that the existence of the roof could be guessed? And if it could, what would the effect be? Shadows have a sinister side: they tell you something is blocking the light, and aren’t clear about what that thing is. This façade could be sinister too. Or maybe it’s a joke. It reminds me of motorcycle messengers who arrive in leathers, visored helmets, and lots of zips and straps. The little bench needs its struts. This wall has nothing to do with structure. The angled stones over the doorway are not supporting an arch. The lions whose great paws project over the windows on each side seem to be doing more work than the keystones that press down on them. But the shadows are delicious; painting this kind of building you find that the hollowed out parts are dramatic in the same way that faces are when lit to look threatening in movies.

peter campbell 07

Arches. I do not know why the books are bleeding water, I do not know if it is old or new. I know SPQR says that the senate and people of Rome had something to do with it. But it says that on the manhole covers in the street too. Even when an arch is not holding anything up it feels as though it is. The tunnels through the wall of the Colosseum would still be good to draw had they been done yesterday. Walls with holes (doors, windows) are not neutral. In paintings which put architecture around scenes the space sets the tone. Red wheels are too good to miss. Adding a little bit of bright red is a famous way of catching the eye. There is a story of Turner adding a red buoy to a seascape because he thought Constable’s painting hanging next to it (of the Royal Barge, if I remember rightly) was going to steal the show.

peter campbell 08

The bits which are not picturesque are more satisfying in some ways. I believe I find them for myself. But these too are partly seen through other people’s eyes. I might not have noticed and liked the blue carwash machine and the blue door if I didn’t know Hopper’s pictures of petrol pumps and old locomotives. Posts and wires, which embarrass filmmakers working in old towns, have much to be said for them. They stitch the picture together.

peter campbell 09

Composing pictures is making things look as though they have been arranged. But if they look too arranged, if they look too much like other pictures, there is no fun in it. Same with snapshots. The van and the red signs and Orvieto on the hill behind please me very much. They please me because they are not well organised. But the verticals, the way the shadows fall, the two figures – in the end these add up to something interesting. What differentiates painters of views is the views they choose. Sometimes you see guides showing people where to take the picture from, which is like having someone finish off your sentence for you. Bad manners? The step and the stones (Orvieto stripes of course) seem, as in the other picture, to be disconnected. But there they are, a kind of sampler of geometry and lithology.

peter campbell 10

Against the light. One of the things which makes the light in pictures convincing is noticing how things really look. It is hard to persuade yourself just how small a bright patch is, or how dark this area or that one is. The layers, like the flats which were used in old-fashioned stage sets, of pines, columns and so on are easy to represent. It is a cheat in a way, or feels so to people who, with justice, want the reality behind things, not what they call, again with justice, ‘mere appearance’.

peter campbell 11

Yellow, green and blue. The sky and mimosa, the board on the barrow. Sometimes the colour is all you want. The question isn’t: ‘How difficult is it?’ Because, although it is harder than you might think to paint a canvas just yellow, or just blue, the interesting question is what happens when you look at it. Looking at the yellow board with its green and blue border I wonder if that isn’t closer to the experience of enjoying looking at the mimosa than any picture of the mimosa would be.

peter campbell 12

People. They have been about before, but these are big enough to catch your eye. They don’t look very like people in many old paintings. One of the great inventions of art was a way of putting people close together in interesting poses – in real life people do not touch each other, bend, twist, grapple in the way they do in the great Depositions, Annunciations, Crucifixions and so on. Only in photographs of sports do you get the kind of tangle which any respectable team of cherubim lay on in the sky of a Rubens allegory. People separated, being themselves, are on the whole comic rather than serious. Two people in step please me the way a chorus line, all perfectly synchronised, does. The paintings I like best take account of this; but it is partly a matter of manners. In Dutch 17th-century pictures one finds the kinds of pose K. and B. and W. show here (not to mention the policeman); in Italian pictures of the same period you usually have more operatic gestures.

peter campbell 16

Perspective and elevation. When you are some distance from a scene it crowds up, the difference in apparent size between the people close by and the people behind is less. (Look at photographs of a football match taken with a telephoto lens. The players and the crowd look much closer together than they really are.) Wide-angled perspective is dramatic. Elevation is dignified. The long wall leads your eye away. The wall behind the man in profile reading the newspaper holds him and stops the eye.

peter campbell 13

Noticing, here, that the reflection is darker than the thing reflected, and the edge of the shadow inside the pot is sharper than the edge of the white wall above it, is the beginning of representing it. But why represent these things? Maybe they look better in photographs. One thing photography did was reveal more about how things really are (how horses’ feet touch the ground and so on). They also made it possible for painters to say: ‘I won’t bother with that. It looks better in a photograph.’

peter campbell 14

Dogs. I thought it was the dog I wanted pictures of, then I found it was dog plus shadows and dog plus spots plus green grass. But I didn’t know that until I had taken the pictures. Snapshots are a way of thinking after you have seen something, otherwise you could just have a camera with no film.

peter campbell 15

Pig inside, us outside. Us, inside, the world outside. There is no reason why pictures shouldn’t be about something. Notice that cartoonists go on being needed (think of Steve Bell) because there are some things which can only be said with pictures that are unambiguous. These pictures could be made shocking or comforting with words. The condition of the pig, the things which went on in the cellar would colour them, depending on how they were described. If they were cartoons the meaning could be put in by the way they were drawn.

And, of course you like pigs, and an open door is always a good end, suggesting that there are no ends, only pauses before the next beginning.

All the best

Peter

(Peter Campbell for Anna Fender)


Ferdinand Mount · The Dwarves and the Onion Domes

 

Ferdinand Mount · The Dwarves and the Onion Domes

Philip​ Habsburg landed at Southampton on 20 July 1554 and married Mary Tudor five days later at Winchester Cathedral, where he was declared king ‘de jure uxoris’, though Parliament refused to let him be crowned, to his considerable annoyance. If Mary had borne him a son, there would have been a Habsburg dynasty in England. Unfortunately, her ghastly gynaecological difficulties, which may have shortened her life, meant that her much awaited pregnancy turned out to be a delusion. A fed-up and unpopular Philip soon departed to fight his Continental wars, returning only in March 1557 to plead for English military support. Parliament gave it unwillingly, rightly so, since Calais was lost as a result.

A few weeks after Philip’s arrival in London in 1554, he had received from Titian the latest in a series of Poesie, pictorial romances based on Ovid. This was the Venus and Adonis, now in the Prado, but at this moment returned to London for the unique reunion of the Poesie at the National Gallery. It must be the most sensuous post-coital image in Western art. Titian’s friend Lodovico Dolce, who translated the Ovid for him, could not stop rhapsodising over the treatment of Venus’s squashed buttocks as she turns to cling to Adonis after their night of love. Titian himself, in his letter to Philip, congratulated the young prince on becoming King of England and drew his attention to the posture of Venus: in his previous Poesia, the scarcely less sensuous Danae was seen from the front; this time, he wanted to vary the composition ‘and show the other side’.

While Philip was enjoying the other side, he was also egging Mary on with her programme to reconvert England to Catholicism and stamp out heresy. Martyn Rady, in his irresistible history of the Habsburgs, accepts the calculation that during his four years as sort-of-king, Philip was at least complicit in the ritual murder of almost three hundred Protestants – one of the most intense episodes of persecution in 16th-century Europe, though certainly not the only one on Philip’s record. After resigning his English throne on Mary’s death and returning to Spain as a proper king, he burned Protestants in Valladolid and Seville, and even sent an expedition all the way to Florida to destroy a Huguenot colony. As he repeatedly said: ‘Rather than suffer the least injury to religion and the service of God, I would lose all my states and a hundred lives if I had them, for I do not intend to rule over heretics.’ Despite more sympathetic recent treatments such as Henry Kamen’s in The Spanish Inquisition: A Historical Revision (1997), in Protestant minds the Inquisition remains Philip’s lasting memorial, and not without reason.

Philip’s English reign has been virtually erased from national memory. Rady himself, in his gallop through a thousand years of Habsburg rule, finds space for only a couple of sentences on it. What the English do remember is the defeat of the Armada, sent out thirty years later. Alas, its fate is here dismissed in a sentence: ‘the great invasion fleet ... foundered uselessly in the North Sea.’ No mention of Drake and the fireships, let alone the bowls on Plymouth Hoe. Nor is there a word about the further Armadas that Philip sent against England in 1596 and 1597, nor about Drake’s disastrous counter-Armada to La Coruña in 1589, which English historians managed to airbrush out of our island story for several centuries.

All this is, I think, worth alluding to, not simply to show the extreme marginality of England to the Habsburg story, but also because it demonstrates, if only in miniature, the extraordinarily persistent characteristics of the Habsburgs over the centuries: their combination of fierce devotion to the Catholic faith with a furtive venery, their matrimonial energy, their peevish tussles with every local parliament they had to deal with, their itch to wage war on all fronts, and their readiness to move on to more promising pastures when the game was up.

All dynasties have sought to gain territory by negotiating advantageous marriages, but none was pushier than the Habsburgs. The match between Philip and Mary was made by the Emperor Charles V, his father and her first cousin. Philip himself proved no slouch in this department. On Mary’s death, he immediately looked into the possibility of winning the hand of her half-sister, Elizabeth. Don John of Austria, Philip’s illegitimate half-brother, later to achieve immortality at Lepanto and the son of a scullery maid at a hotel in Regensburg where Charles had once stayed, also fancied his chances at bringing England back to the True Faith, offering himself as a suitable husband first for Elizabeth and then for Mary Queen of Scots. The Habsburgs liked to put a benign gloss on these insatiable matrimonial ambitions, bridling prettily at the wisecrack of the Hungarian king, Matthias Corvinus: ‘bella gerant alii, tu, Felix Austria, nube!’ – ‘Let others wage war, you, happy Austria, marry!’

The trouble was that these strategic marriages, often between cousins or partners of unequal ages – Philip was 27, Mary 38 – were often childless or produced severely handicapped heirs. The Spanish Habsburg line expired on the death of the hermaphrodite Charles II. Ferdinand I of Austria suffered from hydrocephalus and crippling epilepsy, which prevented him from reigning effectively – he was forced to abdicate in the revolution of 1848. If you were a member of this increasingly inbred family, you were lucky to escape with only a Habsburg jaw.

Kingdoms left heirless or with a disputed succession drew greedy neighbouring powers into complex and often bloody and prolonged wars, those of the Spanish Succession and the Austrian Succession being by no means the worst. The religious wars fought by the Habsburgs were more terrible still. The Thirty Years War left five million dead in the Holy Roman Empire, 20 per cent of the population, proportionately worse than the world wars of the 20th century. The slaughter of thirty thousand in the Lutheran stronghold of Magdeburg led to a new word being coined, ‘Magdeburgisierung’. Invaders bombarded cities with shells of poison gas, a fetching compound of arsenic and henbane. After the war, France and Germany signed the Strasburg Agreement of 1675, the first treaty to ban the use of chemical weapons. Habsburg hegemony was not all minuets and onion domes (the sign that a parish had returned to Rome). Rady’s index lists 42 Habsburg wars as against 21 significant Habsburg marriages.

No less conspicuous throughout history was the Habsburgs’ restless pursuit of the main chance. The paradox is of a dynasty which boasted of ruling for a thousand years, but didn’t do so for long in the same place or over the same people. The family began in the Aargau, a corner of Switzerland just over the border from Swabia. A smallish landowner called Radbot built himself a castle overlooking the river Aare and called it Habichtsburg – hawk’s fortress – though the family were curiously slow to adopt the name. They finished a millennium later with the last emperor, Karl, having lost Austria, vainly trying to re-establish himself on the throne of Hungary, five hundred miles to the east. At the peak of the family’s territorial control in the 16th century, Charles V led a vagrant life, never establishing a fixed capital, and, according to modern historians, spending about half his life in his native Low Countries (he was born in Ghent), nearly twenty years in Spain and less than a decade in the empire’s German-speaking heartland (if that elusive entity could be said to have had a heartland). In his last public speech before his abdication, Charles may have been the first celebrity to make the gruesome boast, correct in his case, that ‘my life has been a long journey.’

Austria was supposed to be the central Habsburg idea. On the frescoed ceiling of the Hofburg Library in Vienna, three classical goddesses hold a banner on which is inscribed: AEIOU. The acrostic stands for Austria Est Imperare Orbi Universo; or more brutally, in German: Alles Erdreich Ist Österreich Untertan – ‘the whole earth is Austria’s subject.’ To this whopping claim, the hyper-pious Habsburgs of the Counter-Reformation added a near anagram, EUCHARISTIA, to be unravelled as Hic Est Austria. Yet when Habsburg rule appeared to be at its most Austrian in the 1580s, Rudolf II unceremoniously shifted his capital to Prague, as if to show that the Habsburgs were bigger than Vienna.

This intertwining of the Habsburg family with Austria and with the Holy Roman Empire (until Napoleon demolished the fantasy in 1806), was not accomplished without tireless intrigue and repeated setbacks. Only a century before Frederick III became the first Habsburg emperor in 1452, the family had been omitted from the college of electors and relegated to the second rank of princelings. It was this humiliation which prompted them to up sticks from Swabia and make Austria their goal. Rady says that the Habsburgs ‘achieved greatness by luck and by force’. He might just as well have said ‘by marriage and by fraud’. The English family of Feilding, later earls of Denbigh, became notorious as the ‘Perhapsburgs’, for their insistence, on the basis of documents that turned out to be forged, that they were descended from the ancient Habsburgs. The Habsburgs were perfectly capable of forging their own documents. Radbot’s son Werner the Pious was the first fabricator in the family, forging a charter that confirmed him as the hereditary abbot of the local abbey (where the Emperor Karl’s heart rests today). But this was small potatoes compared to the heroic efforts of Rudolf the Founder, who had his scribes concoct five interlocking charters claiming that previous emperors had confirmed the Habsburgs as hereditary archdukes of Austria, bolstered by letters supposedly written by Julius Caesar and Nero. The most outrageous of these fakes, the ‘Pseudo-Henry’, was immediately denounced as a forgery, by Petrarch among others, but the emperor of the day grudgingly went along with most of it. Archduke Rudolf soared on, rebuilt St Stephen’s cathedral and proceeded to concoct another fake charter, which added the Tyrol to his domains. He died in 1365, aged only 25, having brought off a coup that Rady describes as ‘the most ambitious work of forgery in medieval Europe since the eighth-century Donation of Constantine, which had appointed the pope as the ultimate ruler of Christendom’.

The Habsburgs’ collaboration with the papacy in driving the Counter-Reformation was undoubtedly their most remarkable and enduring achievement. Rady reminds us what an extraordinary effort of will was required to reverse the Protestant tide. By the mid-16th century, almost all the cities and most of the nobility in Austria and the neighbouring Habsburg duchies had gone over to the Protestants, who had taken over the parish churches and started their own schools, demanding that the Mass be said in German and distributed in both kinds. There was unrelenting political pressure too. In order to secure grants of four million ducats from the local diets, the Habsburgs had formally to concede religious freedom. Force was the only answer. The reconversion of Austria and the Tyrol was a brutal business, leading eventually to an all-out war which drew in most of Europe and spilled across the world.

Yet not all Habsburg rulers were devout. Maximilian II and Rudolf II had both been lukewarm if not agnostic and had both refused the Mass, even on their deathbeds. Two centuries later, Joseph II began his reign by making marriage a civil contract and suspending the edicts persecuting non-Catholics that had been introduced by his mother, Maria Theresa. For a time in the 1780s, the Habsburg lands were the most generous to nonconformists of anywhere in Europe. This was the age of the Freemasons and The Magic Flute. Leopold, who briefly succeeded his brother Joseph in 1790, even welcomed the outbreak of the French Revolution as the beginnings of a constitutional monarchy in France, a hope that was, after all, also entertained by Pitt the Younger and many others.

None of this could survive the Terror, and soon the Habsburg dynasty was back on the Maria Theresa road to an absolutism that Francis I and his faithful Metternich nurtured for forty years. Rady is a professor of Central European history and a specialist in Hungary and Romania. His immersion in the political culture of Central Europe gives his book a depth and flavour lacking from histories that concentrate on the high politics of the Great Powers. His brief chapters, each exactly ten pages, take the centuries at a fair lick, but never without scattering the most delicious asides: Cymburga, the Polish mother of Frederick III, renowned both for her beauty and for her ability to drive nails into planks with her bare fists; Frederick the Slothful, who travelled his realm with his own hen coops to save on buying eggs; the Habsburg knights who had to cut off their fashionable long toe-pieces when forced to fight the Swiss infantry on foot; Margaret of Parma, another illegitimate child of Charles V by a different serving wench, who grew and carefully trimmed a moustache to provide her with an air of authority when her father made her governor of the Low Countries; Princess Stephanie of Belgium (the betrayed wife of Crown Prince Rudolf who shot himself at Mayerling), who invented the hostess trolley.

But​ what Rady never lets the reader forget is that there was always another world beyond this peculiar family with its insatiable ambitions, its forgeries and religious devotions, its dwarves and wenches, its crazes for automata and Freemasons, and its snobberies, which were as baroque as its onion domes. For Habsburgia was the headquarters of quarterings, the devoted preserver of the morganatic marriage. Underbred consorts were left with no more rights after their wedding nights than to their dowries, the Morgengaben, or morning-after gifts. When Franz Ferdinand wanted to marry Countess Sophie Chotek, who came from an ancient but not princely family, his uncle Franz Joseph insisted that the marriage be morganatic, denying royal status to her and her children and forcing her to sit in a different box at the opera. (At Sarajevo, the assassin’s bullets made no such distinction of persons.) When Charles Stuart said on the scaffold that ‘a Subject and a Sovereign are clean different things,’ any Habsburg would have agreed.

Yet the reality was that all over the lands the Habsburgs ruled at different periods, there were vigorous political assemblies: the diets of Hungary, Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia, for example. Ferdinand I managed to become king of Bohemia only by accepting the right of the assembly to choose the monarch, and by permitting Communion in both kinds. In Spain, the king could not disregard the Cortes, or in Aragon the Corts – the system of co-operation known as pactismo. In Brabant, as in many other places, the principle of no taxation without representation was long established. Maximilian’s campaigns in Italy were constantly hampered by the refusal of his German diets to vote enough funds. In his brilliant personal account of negotiating at Bolzano on behalf of the Dieci in Florence, Niccolò Machiavelli explains to his somewhat naive boss, Francesco Vettori, that though Maximilian has plenty of good soldiers it is not clear that he will be able to keep them in the field, being so short of cash. Florence could drive a hard bargain, offering so many thousand ducats in return for being left alone when and if Maximilian reached Italy.

On his return to Spain as king, Philip II might have seemed to command all the riches of South America, but his vain efforts to bring the rebellious Dutch to their knees bankrupted the Spanish Treasury four times. Even in his months in England, he found Parliament a recurring obstacle to his plans. On the Continent, some of the diets were restricted to noblemen, others included representatives from the leading cities. The terrifying Hungarian diet might be attended by ten thousand or more, including not only every count and squire but also peasants and armed gypsies. Whatever their class composition, these assemblies did perform in one way or another the classic functions of redressing grievances and voting or refusing to vote taxes. Almost uniquely, Maria Theresa managed to reduce the diets to impotence, writing to them brusquely, ‘the Crown expressly commands you to grant these sums voluntarily.’ But for most of the time and in most places, Habsburg rule was not nearly as unqualified as they wished. As late as the 1850s, Franz Joseph returned from a brief exile and abolished the constitution, restoring absolute rule. But soon Austria was virtually bust, and the banks would not lend to an unaccountable monarch. As Anselm Rothschild explained bluntly: ‘No constitution, no money.’ Again and again, the Habsburgs tried to neuter or even abolish the diets. Again and again, they found that they could not make war, or even love, without them.

By the same token, Rady’s fascinating lapidary chapters should deter us from thinking of the history of the Habsburgs or any other dynasty as straightforwardly linear – from rise to fall, from absolutism to democracy. There was almost always an internal conflict of some sort, between pre-existing institutions and uppity incomers. It is this contestedness rather than the dwarves and the onion domes which lends The Habsburgs its sustained piquancy.

There were certainly Habsburg rulers who laboured long and hard to do what they thought was best for their peoples. Their interest in the Enlightenment was genuine, but only in so far as the new ideas offered the prospect of scientific government, never popular government. Franz Joseph rose at 5 a.m. every morning to attend to the endless business of the empire. This ramshackle polity did not usually press its people too hard; there were always worse places to live; even the notorious censorship was a fairly laid-back business. But I cannot find in Rady’s chapters any example of a Habsburg who, of his or her unconstrained free will, surrendered an ounce of power. The only possible exception might have been Crown Prince Rudolf, who did have socialist sympathies, if only he hadn’t shot himself. The idea that the people themselves might know what was best for them was the most profoundly unHabsburgian idea of all. Which may be why, when the Habsburgs fell, they fell utterly and for ever.


Emily Wilson · Ah, how miserable! Three New Oresteias

 

Emily Wilson · Ah, how miserable! Three New Oresteias · LRB 8 October 2020

The Oresteia 
by Aeschylus, translated by Oliver Taplin.
Liveright, 172 pp., £17.99, November 2018, 978 1 63149 466 6Show Transcript
The Oresteia 
by Aeschylus, translated by Jeffrey Scott Bernstein.
Carcanet, 288 pp., £16.99, April, 978 1 78410 873 1Show Transcript
The Oresteia 
by Aeschylus, translated by David Mulroy.
Wisconsin, 234 pp., £17.50, April 2018, 978 0 299 31564 1Show Transcript
Show All

Aeschylus’​ Oresteia begins with the story of a grieving, righteously angry woman seeking justice for her daughter. The child was killed by her father, the woman’s husband, in order to enable a vast war. Each of the three plays is radically different in style, mood and action. But each centres on female anger and female grief at violent loss of life and the willingness of family members to kill one another. The trilogy is about language and the mysterious will of the gods, about tyranny, freedom and political change, and about a slow path to maturity for one young man (Orestes) and an entire culture. That ‘maturity’ turns out to involve the subordination of women and of the family, which is conceived as feminine, to enable the creation of a political community like real-life historical Athens, in which male citizens use the law courts and the institutions of democracy to legislate for structures of power that can contain, marginalise and silence other members of the community – women, immigrants, enslaved people. All the plays’ intertwined elements are knotted into a central set of questions about how to suppress, silence or pacify female rage, and how to reconcile the close kinship of the household with responsibilities to the larger community or city-state.

In Agamemnon, the long first play, the mood is dark and the language is dense, metaphorical and hard to parse. Clytemnestra, Agamemnon’s wife, has set up a relay of torch fires to bring her news of her husband’s victory at Troy, and the image of the relay signal also connects to the play’s larger story: the way events from far away and long ago still haunt the house of Argos. At Aulis, on the way to Troy, Agamemnon was forced to choose between sacrificing his daughter Iphigenia or abandoning the war to recover his brother’s wife, Helen. ‘Which of these is free from evil?’ he asks, in Oliver Taplin’s translation. Jeffrey Bernstein has the wordier ‘Which of these two ways is without evil?’ David Mulroy, the punchier ‘Can either choice be right?’ Agamemnon is in a position where there is no right answer, no guiltless way to act.

The terrible moment is figured as in part a choice, in part an act of compulsion: Agamemnon ‘placed his neck beneath the harness/of what had to be’.* The ambiguity of his freedom, or lack of it, is compounded by further mysteries, such as when the cycle of violence began. Was it with the killing of Iphigenia? Or longer ago, when Menelaus married Helen, taking a ‘lion cub’ into his house? Or was it when Atreus, Agamemnon’s father, tricked his brother into eating his own children? Or further back still, in the dark plans of Apollo, god of light, and the will of Zeus, ‘whoever he may be’, the god who killed and usurped his own father? The play’s riddling language hints at the way one word, phrase, action or body can turn into another, often at a terrible price. The death of Iphigenia becomes the death of Agamemnon. More broadly, in one of the Chorus’s most powerful images, Ares, the war god, is presented as a money changer who ‘trades men into jars’ filled with ash. The living become the dead, who in turn haunt the living.

Despite the first play’s title, Agamemnon – a flustered, confused, fragile conqueror, who sees himself as a victim even before his wife axes him to death in the bath – plays a relatively small part in it. Two extraordinary female characters dominate its action. Clytemnestra, a wonderfully intelligent, articulate, determined strategist, is described as a woman whose heart ‘organises like a man’: she has spent the past ten years plotting her husband’s murder, which will allow her (along with her feeble lover, Aegisthus) to seize the throne. Greek tragedy almost never shows violent action; the killing is represented by screams from the wings. But Clytemnestra’s triumph over her husband is represented on stage verbally and dramaturgically, above all in the great central scene in which she persuades the reluctant victor to enter the house and trample on the rich red tapestries looted from Troy, providing a visual acknowledgment that his victory has involved an assumption of infinite privilege (‘and who could drain it dry?’) and the ‘crushing underfoot’ of precious things, starting with his own child – ‘the treasure of my labour pains’, as Clytemnestra puts it. Aeschylus was a veteran of the wars in which Athens and other Greek cities fought off attempts at invasion by the Persian army; he is clear-sighted about the greed and egotism of this conquering hero. Clytemnestra hides her intentions in elaborate riddling before the murder, but once her husband is dead, she presents it as orgasmically thrilling: he ‘spouted out a jet of blood/that showered me with a drizzle of dark dew’, in Taplin’s lushly alliterative version; Mulroy has a rather less sexy interpretation of the verb (ἐκφυσιάω, which suggests ‘to snort out’ and is used elsewhere for snoring, and elephants squirting water from their trunks): ‘he vomited a shining clot of blood.’

The second great female character in the Agamemnon is Cassandra, who seems, on her first entrance, to have a non-speaking role. In 458 BC, tragedians had only recently begun to use three actors rather than two, and Aeschylus brilliantly exploits the audience’s expectations to create surprise and confusion when the third actor, playing the foreign woman enslaved by Agamemnon, speaks. Still more surprising, the outsider turns out to know far more than any native-born Greek about the house of Argos – where, as she well knows, she will die alongside her captor. Queen Clytemnestra’s aggression, deceit and violence are counterbalanced by the insight and courage of Cassandra, who is blessed and cursed by Apollo with the gift of prophecy; she sets aside grieving for herself and her ruined city to step towards a death that will, as she also knows, bring down her killers.

The Libation Bearers, the middle play of the trilogy, centres on the tomb of the dead Agamemnon and his surviving daughter, Electra. As in the first play, there are contrasting female characters: Electra, driven to murderous plots by long-standing grief and rage, and Clytemnestra, who becomes desperately aware that, like Cassandra before her, she is on the way to death. Electra’s brother, Orestes, returns from exile and, urged on by his sister, his friend Pylades and the oracles of Apollo, steels himself to kill his mother and Aegisthus.

These murders echo those of Agamemnon and Cassandra in the previous play, though they are represented very differently. Clytemnestra luxuriates in the bloody slaughter of her husband, but Orestes hesitates, especially when Clytemnestra bares her breast to remind him that the body he threatens to kill is the source of his life. At the play’s end, Orestes presents the murders as an act of political liberation, freeing Argos from a ‘pair of tyrants’; but he begins to see visions of the Furies, the doglike, snake-haired goddesses who pursue and torture those who shed the blood of their own family members.

In the final play, The Eumenides (‘Kindly Ones’, a traditional euphemism for the Furies), the goddesses are visible to the audience: they serve as the hissing, violent chorus, in contrast to the human choruses of the first two plays and most other Athenian tragedies. Whereas the earlier plays were set in the distant city of Argos, The Eumenides is set where the play was performed: in Athens, on the hill of the Areopagus, a stone’s throw from the Theatre of Dionysos. The dominant characters are not humans but gods. Orestes has come to Athens for sanctuary, to beg Athena for absolution from matricide. Athena, like Clytemnestra in Agamemnon, is the hyper-intelligent, scheming ruler of her city. But unlike Clytemnestra, she is not mortal, angry, grieving or murderous: she has no personal interest in the case, but turns out to have a particular fondness for the democratic institutions of Athens in the fifth century. She organises a trial by jury.

The Furies accuse Orestes of the ultimate horror in shedding his mother’s blood; no matter his justification, they insist that he is polluted and cannot return to Argos or belong to any religious or family community. Apollo speaks in his defence, arguing that matricide does not count as the murder of a family member, because, according to one of several competing medical theories circulating in Aeschylus’ time, women’s bodies provide only a container for the embryo, which is formed solely of material from the father’s body. The jury is split, and Athena breaks the tie in favour of Orestes. Whatever may be true of human biology, she at least is entirely her father’s daughter, born from his head: ‘And so in every way I’m for the male.’ Clytemnestra was accused of having a heart like a man. Electra, in desperate grief, obsessed over her dead father and absent brother, and resented her mother. Athena takes the pattern of female male-sympathisers even further: she has the militaristic, dominant heart of her father Zeus, and insists that the sunlit, male-dominated world of politics will, from now on, prevail over the underground, ancestral blood-rights of the female Furies. The Furies are, understandably, furious. But Athena restrains their anger by promising them a permanent, if subordinate place in the ritual life of the city – something analogous to the political status that resident aliens (‘metics’) had in real-life Athens.

These dense plays are concerned with a transition from a world of mystery to a world of history, from war to peace, from myth to reality, from aristocratic households to the democratic society of contemporary Athens. They describe the triumph of law over personal vendettas and revenge, and show the direct violence of the axe and the sword giving way to the buried structural violence of law and social institutions. They provide an implicit justification and celebration of recent Athenian history and the current political regime: in real life, the political and legal structures of democracy had replaced the old system of rule by tyrants, and there were still powerful aristocratic men in Athens who favoured oligarchy over democracy. But most fundamentally, the trilogy uses all these interwoven narratives to tell a story that justifies the triumph of men over women. The institution of the all-male democratic law court, presided over by its male-biased judge, is presented as the only possible solution to the endless violence of the earlier world, one in which the experiences and voices of angry, wronged, grieving women were allowed to matter as much as those of men. The first two plays show the terrible cost, to both men and women, of a society in which men favour their bonds with one another over those with their mothers, wives and children. When Agamemnon kills his daughter, his men ‘tie a fetter round her/lovely cheeks and face,/a gag to hold her tongue from words to put her/house beneath a curse’. The final play reframes the problem of female suffering by including no human female characters: the powerful Furies are far more menacing than pitiable, and their semi-violent subordination by Athena, who threatens them with her father’s thunderbolt, is presented as the only possible way for the play’s vulnerable male human, Orestes, to be saved.

Agamemnon may seem the most mysterious of the three plays; elements that had been only metaphors or dreams in it – hunting dogs, nets, snakes, fire – are summoned from the underworld in the chants of The Libation Bearers and become visible on stage in The Eumenides, where we see the Furies carrying nets and torches. But in some ways The Eumenides is even more abstruse and riddling. Justice – δίκη, a word that connotes a range of ideas from cosmic balance to moral right, from social custom or judgment to law or the court – shifts in its meanings. In the earlier plays, the rights of one person compete with the rights of another; in The Eumenides, Athena answers the Furies’ demands for justice (punishment for the male killer, vengeance for his dead female victim) with a judgment based on her own acknowledged bias, and an appeal to Persuasion, the goddess who presides over legislation, not morality. Orestes is acquitted not because it is ethically right, but because legislative and political institutions are thought to depend on the subordination of female to male, and of moral right and wrong to the making of expedient speeches and the passing of laws for what Plato would later call the ‘advantage of the stronger’, rather than justice in any ethical sense. The play carefully sidesteps the question of how daughters like Iphigenia will in future be protected from their fathers, or mothers like Clytemnestra from their sons.

It​ was with a sinking feeling that I learned that at least three new translations of the Oresteia had recently appeared. I plunged into an even deeper gloom when I realised that two of them are by elderly white men, both emeritus professors, and the other is by a younger white man, not an academic. These are the two demographic categories from which the vast majority of modern English translators of Greco-Roman texts emerge. About half of the translators of contemporary fiction are female, and when it comes to non-literary translation and interpretation, women are by a long way in the majority – unsurprisingly, given that the field in general is underpaid and under-recognised. The field of retranslation from ancient Greek and Roman literature – which tends to get far more cultural recognition, including essays in publications like the London Review of Books – does not fit this pattern at all. The figures are harder to come by, but a brief look at publishers’ catalogues suggests that the number of women is very low: I combed through the first hundred Greco-Roman hits in the Oxford World’s Classics translation series, and found 5.5 (including a husband-and-wife team): 5.5 per cent is not a passing grade on gender equality. The imbalance cannot be explained by a lack of qualified people. In recent years classical studies have become less male-dominated (although they are still much too white): analyses suggest that around 40 per cent of classics faculty members are now female, although fewer have tenure. In the US, there are slightly more women than men with PhDs in classics. If we are going to have endless retranslations of the same old texts – which is not self-evidently a good thing – we might hope that at least some of them would be done by classicists who are younger, or less white, or less male.

Of course, it is quite easy for anyone, from any social background or identity, to replicate the same tired old vision of the same old texts. More broadly, there is no particular reason to expect female classicists to be better writers, or more deeply attuned to the voices of their originals, or more insightful and creative in responding to the many challenges of translation. All contemporary classicists, including women, are well trained at creating stylistically thoughtless, badly written translations. Many published ancient Greek and Roman translations, by women as well as men, share a pedestrian, archaising, clunky style – regardless of the stylistic diversity of the original texts. Conversely, it is quite possible, in theory, for elderly white men to offer original ideas and fresh perspectives.

But in this particular case, the similarities between these three translations, especially in the paratextual material, suggest a partial correlation between the translators’ social positions and their readings of the Oresteia. All have inadequate introductions or afterwords, which make magniloquent statements about Aeschylean ‘greatness’ but treat the complex ethical and political questions entangled in his trilogy with the subtlety of a sledgehammer. Bernstein, for instance, assures the reader that The Eumenides ‘ends with the triumph of democracy’, without providing any discussion of the characters in the play – the women and the Furies – who are excluded from the new politics, on the stage as in real-life Athens.

Where Bernstein is simply an innocent amateur, Mulroy seems to be deliberately opposed to any critical discussion of the ideology of literary texts, even when the omission makes it impossible for him to engage with their subjects. He has written a book inveighing against the neglect of grammar in contemporary Anglophone education (The War against Grammar, 2003) and is known at his university (Wisconsin-Madison) for unsuccessfully championing a ‘great books’ programme and, at the same time, mocking the gay and lesbian studies programme (calling it ‘gayology’). He reads the Oresteia as a defence of the supposed values of civilisation over barbarism. His introduction gives no hint of critical distance from the trilogy’s model of civilisation, which involves the exclusion or forced compliance of those who are not elite men.

According to Mulroy, the Oresteia’s central theme is that ‘ties of blood should play an important but subordinate role in the life of an enlightened community.’ He has nothing to say about gender, even in the appendix labelled ‘Politics’, which traces the relationship between the trial of Orestes and Athenian legislative reforms. His two-page bibliography contains no critical work by women. This is quite a feat, given how many brilliant female scholars have worked on Greek tragedy over the past generation. The biggest problem with Mulroy’s reading of Aeschylus is not that it is sexist, outdated in its language, politically regressive, and uninformed by current scholarship, but that he seems to have no interest in asking probing questions of the text he claims to champion. Monumentalising is offered instead of analysis. He rightly emphasises Aeschylus’ stylistic peculiarities, but only to comment that they ‘contribute significantly to the pleasure of reading or hearing his plays’.

Oliver Taplin is a far more prominent scholar than Mulroy (or Bernstein), and has devoted his career to the study of ancient Greek literature in performance. His introductory account of the Oresteia ought to have been good. While it is less obviously inadequate than the other two, it is peculiarly disappointing. Taplin seems to imagine that his task is to assert the ‘enduring appeal’ of Aeschylus – rather than, say, to analyse the relationship of the Oresteia to its own cultural moment, and its different resonances in our time. His account of the politics of Athenian tragedy in general, and the Oresteia in particular, is misleading. We are told that ‘the Athenian theatron is inherently democratic’ but are given few of the facts that should qualify this assertion, such as that Aeschylus and his fellow tragedians were also popular in non-democratic cultures, such as Sicily, which was ruled by tyrants. Taplin emphasises that the theatre was ‘open ... to all citizens’, without mentioning that the vast majority of the population of the city and its surrounding countryside were not citizens, and many were enslaved. He acknowledges that women in Athens, even free elite women, had very limited political and social power, and may not have attended dramatic festivals. But he argues that the plays, created and performed by and for men, who wore costumes and masks, ‘give the female a seriousness and strength that cannot be dismissed or lightly patronised’.

He emphasises that Athenian tragedy presents ‘Clytemnestra and her tragic sisters’ as ‘far more interesting than society officially recognised’ (his italics), but does not explain why we should see elite Athenian men, or the social institutions they created, as ‘officially’ committed to the idea that women are boring. I would argue that the opposite is more plausible. In many ways, ancient Athens was far more oppressive of elite women than a number of other contemporary Greek cities. Privileged Athenian male citizens would not have bothered to pass so many laws or create so many customs limiting the freedoms of elite women – by depriving them of education, exercise and opportunities for public or military service, keeping them mostly confined to the house, marrying them as young as possible, and trying to ensure that they were almost always under the legal control of a male guardian – unless they also assumed that if they did not do so things might get far too interesting, in ways that might endanger the dominance of slave-owning citizen men.

It’s symptomatic that Taplin changes the title of The Eumenides to Orestes at Athens, although he claims to find female characters fascinating; he decentres the terrifying, enraged women and fails to recognise, let alone grapple with, the trilogy’s misogynistic ideology. Of course Clytemnestra and the Furies are ‘interesting’: it is their interestingness – their articulate, justified rage and grief – that makes them so dangerous to the patriarchal, slave-owning and militaristic institutions that enable the city-state of Athens to exist. It is absurd to imply that free elite Athenian men – whose myths about their own dominant social position included the defeat of the Amazons – generally assumed that women must be kept subordinate because they were dull. Misogynist tropes often involve presenting women as interesting in precisely the ways that Aeschylus’ female characters are interesting: charming, articulate, dangerous, deceitful, too clever by half, lustful, angry, violent, and consumed by excessive emotion.

Poetic​ translation is a critical, interpretative practice, similar in certain ways to the writing of introductions. But it is also a creative, imaginative activity, requiring a different voice from that of a teacher or critic. And once he moves from prose to verse, Taplin provides an insightful, elegant rendition of the play; his critical prose limps, but the Muse sings through his translation. The same can’t be said for Mulroy or Bernstein.

Aeschylus, like all classical Greek poets, does not rhyme; his plays, like those of Sophocles and Euripides, are composed in a mix of metres, with relatively simple iambics for much of the dialogue, and complex metrical patterns for the choral passages, which were sung. In English translation, rhyming or other markedly poetic features can help hint at the difference between the dialogue and the choral passages. Aeschylus’ language is much more difficult than that of Euripides, whose verse is often relatively conversational. Aeschylus’ characters tend to speak in elaborate metaphors and peculiar, unidiomatic turns of phrase, many of which must have been lost on audience members sitting up high in the back rows of the theatre. Translators can simply ignore this altogether and render Aeschylus in prose, or they can try to replicate his dense riddling effects and complex metres, but there is a serious risk of substituting crabbed obscurity for an enigmatic richness of expression. Robert Browning’s 1877 version of Agamemnon is arguably more difficult to understand than the Greek:

Not gently-grieving, not just doling out
The drops of expiation – no, nor tears distilled –
Shall he we know of bring the hard about
To soft – that intense ire
At those mock rites unsanctified by fire.

The unidiomatic word order (‘he we know of bring’), the peculiar syntax, including the abstract use of odd participles (‘gently-grieving’) and adjectives turned into nouns, and the dense mixed metaphors result in a weird poetic discourse, neither Greek nor entirely English. Aeschylus’ sentence uses repeated negatives and emphatic half-rhymes to emphasise that nothing can remove the stain of child murder. But it doesn’t include an equivalent to the weird ‘he we know of’ or the abstract nouns (‘the hard’ and ‘the soft’), and it builds to a strong final main verb. Aeschylus is a difficult poet, and his work relies heavily on complex patterns of sound and imagery; but he is not quite as difficult as he sometimes seems in translation.

In the 20th century, the dominant approach in Anglophone translations of metrically regular classical verse, including drama, was to use stacked prose (or ‘free verse’). In this mode there is a widely read unmetrical version of the Oresteia by Richmond Lattimore (1953), lightly revised by Mark Griffith and Glenn Most a few years ago. Lattimore turns Aeschylus’ urgent, elaborately wrought Greek verse into peculiar English, which is not in any obvious sense poetic, and certainly does not scan. For instance, a not very complicated line in which Athena declares her love for Athens becomes: ‘So love I best of all/the unblighted generation of these upright men.’ There is also an unmetrical, looser, more melodramatic version by Robert Fagles (1975), which tends, characteristically, to substitute English idioms and clichés for the original phrases, resulting in an Aeschylus who is much easier – possibly too easy – to read: ‘Do we have to go on raking up old wounds?/Goodbye to all that.’ Other unmetrical versions include a translation for the stage by Peter Meineck (1998) and many more free verse or prose versions (by Christopher Collard, Hugh Lloyd-Jones, Peter Burian, E.D.A. Morshead and others). Sarah Ruden’s Oresteia (2016) demonstrated that the careful use of English metre, without rhyme, could be used to render Aeschylus in a poetic style that is difficult where appropriate without becoming unintelligible. Her translation of the sentence I quoted from Browning’s version reads:

Whatever’s burned and poured and wept on altars
won’t coax away the anger tightly fastened
to gifts no fire should touch.

Ruden echoes the riddling strangeness of Aeschylus’ language but makes the puzzle more or less possible to solve.

Bernstein claims that his version is in ‘blank verse’, and invokes Shakespeare and Milton as metrical models, suggesting that he thinks he has written iambic pentameter. I wish an editor or friend had explained the problem before the volume went into print. Even beyond the lack of rhythm, Bernstein’s phrasing is reliably clumsy. Here is his Clytemnestra, emerging triumphant over the body of her murdered husband:

Much having been said to suit the time in former hours,
in contradicting myself now I feel no shame.

The original has only four words in each of the two lines. It packs an intense rhetorical, alliterative punch: the queen spits out ‘p’ sounds in her thrilling repudiation of her earlier, closeted self. Yet Bernstein has somehow managed to create a dull Clytemnestra.

Mulroy and Taplin, meanwhile, adopt, at first glance, fairly similar approaches to each other: both use not only metre but also, for the lyrical choral passages, rhyme, to re-create something like the formal poetic effects of Aeschylus’ elaborate verse style. I hope these translations are symptomatic of a trend in classical verse translations towards using more of the rich resources of Anglophone poetics. Mulroy’s handling of metre and rhyme is technically proficient: his lines scan, his rhymes rhyme, and he manages to combine these accomplishments with a rendering of the Greek that is reasonably accurate and fairly easy to understand. But his English is fussy, archaising and stiff. Here, again, is the triumphant Clytemnestra:

I uttered many useful words before,
which I won’t blush at contradicting now.

‘Blush at’ makes the queen sound weirdly prudish. Ruden’s rendering, also in iambic pentameter, is far more direct, and appropriately aggressive:

Though all I said before was right for then,
I’m not ashamed to state the opposite.

Taplin uses an iambic rhythm for the dialogue but in lines of uneven length. At first I found the variable line-lengths distracting, but the form grew on me; the admission of some longer lines allows him the flexibility to create vivid, plausible phrasing:

I offer no apology for saying things that contradict
what I have said before to suit the moment.

This is in certain ways further from the Greek than Ruden’s version; Aeschylus has Clytemnestra say she ‘won’t be ashamed’ (οὐκ ἐπαισχυνθήσομαι), not that she won’t apologise, and she presents her current words as not only contradictory but ‘opposite’ (τἀναντία) to what came before. But the swagger of Taplin’s Clytemnestra is beautifully observed.

His use of alliteration and half-rhyme is particularly effective, and the dense mixed metaphors are often wonderfully well done. In the great first ode of Agamemnon, for example, I loved the image of eagles as ‘terriers with wings’. Taplin tends to clarify and sometimes simplify Aeschylus’ phrasing: the passage I quoted earlier from both Browning and Ruden, for instance, is stripped of some of its strange imagery, and the result is perhaps a little too easy, too quick:

No amount of sacrificing
can placate relentless anger.

But even if Taplin loses some of the original’s linguistic complexity, he has created an English version full of sonic and metaphorical wealth, as when the Chorus sings of an obscure fate that should be spoken, but is not:

it lurks in dark instead,
and murmurs in its pain,
and can’t unwind the thread –
meanwhile, my heart’s aflame.

The rhyme and half-rhyme, here and elsewhere, create a sense of an ornately poetic and claustrophobic dramatic world.

The​ comparison of Mulroy’s and Bernstein’s versions with the infinitely stronger work of Ruden and Taplin is a useful demonstration of how hard it is to produce a good literary translation. This is certainly true of translations of ancient Greek and Roman texts, but it is also true of literary translation in general: it is very difficult. Most readers of foreign languages are not translators; most writers are not translators. Translators have to read and write at the same time, as if always playing multiple instruments in a one-person band. And most one-person bands do not sound very good. There are all too many moments when the choices in the weaker versions are reminiscent of A.E. Housman’s brilliant comic parody, ‘Fragment of a Greek Tragedy’. ‘Ah, how miserable!’ Bernstein’s Clytemnestra laments. It is hard not to agree. Mulroy’s Agamemnon, preparing to get his shoes taken off, calls: ‘Undo/my shoes, the servile mats beneath my feet.’ Attempts at more colloquial language fall flat: ‘Bull’s eye! The latter’; ‘they’re a violent lot’ (Mulroy). The consistent thoughtlessness about linguistic register includes, predictably, an obliviousness to exclusive language and contemporary usage; Mulroy regularly uses ‘man’ and ‘mankind’ when the Greek refers to all, not half, of the human race. Cassandra (the enslaved woman who is twice labelled Agamemnon’s ‘mistress’ by Bernstein) makes a final heartbreaking expression of pity, not for her own imminent murder, but for all mortal circumstances: βρότεια πράγματα. Mulroy renders this ‘Alas for men’s affairs!’ Taplin, far more effectively, has ‘This is the way it is for humans.’

Taplin’s is probably the best contemporary English rendition of the Oresteia in its evocation of Aeschylus’ poetic range, dramatic power and moving awareness of pain, grief, confusion and rage. His rhythmical, alliterative, sometimes rhyming but often very direct language conveys real emotional power. I felt goosebumps at Cassandra’s exchange with the Chorus, as she faces her death open-eyed: ‘This is the day, today. To run away would gain me nothing.’ Taplin recreates the incantatory music of Cassandra’s prophecies, Electra’s laments and the Furies’ enraged prayers. His language is rich in Aeschylean imagery and sound patterning without becoming impenetrable: ‘We saw/the plain of the Aegean waters blossoming/with corpses of Greek men and debris of their ships.’ The metaphorical images – dead bodies in the water resembling water-flowers blooming, and these young men were also the ‘flower’ of Greece – are clear but not ponderous, conveying the horror of the large-scale loss of life.

In 2020, thinking about gender inequality, tyranny, grief, liberation, rage, action and reaction, generational change, and the proper function of norms and the rule of law has a new urgency. The #MeToo movement has helped us see how women can be silenced in our culture, and alerted us both to the causes and to the potential power of female anger. The Black Lives Matter movement has enabled a new global awareness of the terrible gap between systems of law enforcement and actual justice. In a time when we’re thinking about the voices marginalised in modern democracies, and about whose histories we want to tell, it is worth turning back, with curious and critical eyes, to Aeschylus’ great dramatic meditation on the politics of exclusion. Perhaps, after this huge gap of time, we can begin to hear what the gagged, murdered Iphigenia might have wanted to say.


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