Sunday, November 21, 2021

[Essay] A Posthumous Shock, By Will Self | Harper's Magazine

[Essay] A Posthumous Shock, By Will Self | Harper's Magazine

Harper's Magazine · by Will Self · November 11, 2021
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Reassure me it’s like this for you too: you experience the unexpected—a psychic shock, a physical blow, a realization so disagreeable it sets you reeling—yet even as this event takes place in all its random spontaneity, it’s shadowed by the thought: I should’ve anticipated it. Moreover, it—the shock, that is—should’ve anticipated me; by which I mean to express this notion: in our confusion, we try to reinterpret the experience so as to assimilate it into the ever-evolving narrative of our conscious lives, to make it something that has happened to a self-aware and thinking I, rather than to an inchoate and amorphous swirl of semiconsciousnesses. And in the light of this equally arresting après-coup, the shock becomes a belated harbinger of itself. As one might put it phatically, shaking one’s ringing head, “shit happens,” including effects that should’ve preceded their causes.

I want to write about trauma, and that is why I’m asking you, the reader, to identify with me at the outset. Not, I hasten to add, because I require your empathy for ethical reasons. It is easy to sleep on another man’s wound, as the old Irish proverb has it, and the discourses surrounding trauma all too easily default to this position at the individual level, while at the collective one they all too often raise their explanatory edifices on the high moral ground of other people’s suffering. No, I require your empathy in this strict sense: I want you to locate that response to even a mild shock securely in your own being. For how can we begin to understand the enormous role that trauma has come to occupy in people’s understanding of who—and, yet more pertinently, how—they are, without interrogating our own experience?

By “trauma,” I mean in part the cluster of symptoms defined by the current edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-V) as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD)—to wit, “marked physiological reactions to internal or external cues that symbolize or resemble an aspect of the traumatic event(s),” combined with an avoidance of “memories, thoughts, or feelings about” or “external reminders” of the events and an “inability to remember” key features of them. More generally, I mean the idea that certain species of experience have the ability to injure us in lasting ways, such that we carry the wound—and, indeed, the experience itself—forever with us, often without our even knowing—the not-knowing being in fact one of the ways we’ve been wounded—until the hurt is reactivated by some thematically related cue. Most fundamentally, I mean the common assumption that psychological experiences can be physically injurious, that “the body keeps the score,” as the title of the most popular book on the subject has it.

We tend to think of the ability to be wounded in this way as a permanent feature of human experience, albeit one that was long undertheorized. In this way, it is analogous to a psychopathology such as schizophrenia, which we retrospectively recognize as having operated long before it was properly identified. In contrast, I shall be advancing the heretical notion that trauma as we now understand it is not a timeless phenomenon that has affected people in different cultures and at different times in much the same way, but is to a hitherto unacknowledged extent a function of modernity in all its shocking suddenness. Furthermore, I will argue that trauma is so widespread precisely because of the ubiquity of traumatogenic technologies in our societies: those of specularity and acceleration, which render us simultaneously unreflective and frenetic. On this analysis, the symptoms deemed evidence of PTSD are in fact only an extreme version of a distinctively modern consciousness.

Looked at from a certain angle—like an anamorphic skull—this essay is concerned with literary criticism. That fact will seem strange to those not already familiar with the history of trauma theory, which originated in the work of psychiatric clinicians but reached a far wider public through academics in the humanities. I want to tell the story of how theories of textual interpretation dreamed up in the obscurity of the academy have bodied forth to sustain a novel conception of the traumas humans suffer, a conception as tendentious as the conviction that Jesus Christ died on the cross to redeem our sins. Indeed, part of what gives modern trauma theory its appeal is precisely its covert importation of Judeo-Christian redemptive eschatology: a grand narrative of human moral progress in which suffering is an essential motivation for all the principal actors. For literary theorists, psychic trauma is an exclusive sort of stigmata, a wound at once invisible and sacred, the bearers of which become sanctified and thereby able to convey the singular Truth that shines through the miasma of contemporary moral relativism: that of their own suffering. This suffering is elicited by the intercession of qualified (or ordained) critics and psychotherapists, who join in this communion of pain and distress, and share it with the laity via books and monographs.

Scholarly publications disguise this fundamentally religious (and hence speculative) character in the garb of hard science, enacting modish “interdisciplinary” studies that can be reciprocally employed by those neuro- and cognitive scientists who also seek the desiderata of contemporary academic life: relevance and impact, as calculated algorithmically by the aggregation of readers and references. Not to suggest that this is merely a specialist and recondite affair: Bessel van der Kolk, whose psychiatric work with trauma victims is predicated on the idea that neuroimaging can identify an objective physiological correlate to psychic distress, is one such semi-hard scientist. His 2014 book, the aforementioned The Body Keeps the Score, has been an enormous bestseller in the Anglosphere, and his chapter in Cathy Caruth’s 1995 anthology, Trauma: Explorations in Memory, forms the structural pivot around which trauma theory revolves. Now a professor of English and comparative literature at Cornell, Caruth is the doyenne of literary trauma theory, the person who first identified the “peculiar and paradoxical experience of trauma” as a way out of the ethical and political cul-de-sac of poststructuralism and deconstruction, and who in the process turned van der Kolk’s clinical work with victims of abuse into something like a universal theory of human experience.

How did a bowdlerized rendering of a marginal psychological pathology come to hold such sway in the humanities—and increasingly in popular discourse as well? To answer this question, we need to think as much in genealogical terms as schematic ones. Critics and exponents of trauma theory alike are equally taken by the oddity that no mere causal explanation of trauma’s nature as either an individual or collective phenomenon seems possible. Indeed, the very experience of trauma itself seems to confound causality. But the acknowledgment that traumatic reactions may be immanent in modernity itself, would, I believe, allow for fuller comprehension.

And so we commence our search for the cultural significance of trauma not on the Freudian chaise, but with the nineteenth-century concept of “railway spine.” For it is with the arrival of the train that the phenomenon eventually termed PTSD steams into view. The initiation of railway passenger service in the early decades of the nineteenth century was met with amazement and anxiety in equal measure: people felt themselves to be shot through space and time while also experiencing a profound uneasiness. Accidents were common and widely reported. Crucially, passengers felt powerless, confronted with a technology over which they had no obvious means of control.

Here it should be noted another change that trains carried with them: the enforced harmonization of hitherto different temporalities—clock time, reciprocally required so that these unprecedented vehicles might run on it quite as much as on rails. With its infinitesimal divisions of a notionally continuous flow, clock time brought to the surface of collective consciousness those Eleatic paradoxes heretofore the concern only of philosophers and mathematicians. These divisions separate us again and again from the unbroken unfolding of subjective experience; the individual apprehension of being-in-time—what the philosopher Henri Bergson termed “durée”—is continually being derailed by the imposition of incremental time.

Yet by the last quarter of the century, railways had become sufficiently ubiquitous that their passengers were blasé enough to bury themselves in newspapers and magazines—the relatively novel forms of reading material that proliferated precisely to ameliorate their equally novel ennui. But once humans traveling in this manner exhibited the automatism of the technology itself, any interruption entailed a catastrophic return of the anxiety initially repressed. Wolfgang Schivelbusch, the great theorist of industrialization, puts it thus:

The more civilized the schedule and the more efficient the technology, the more catastrophic its destruction when it collapses. There is an exact ratio between the level of the technology with which nature is controlled, and the degree of severity of its accidents.

I’ll return to this “exact ratio” later, but for now we can note that the very notion of the “accident”—not an unlucky coincidence, such as being struck by a hurricane, but rather a wholesale collapse of a functioning system—also owes its inception to the technologies of the era. These were technical apparatuses capable of self-destruction, and it would seem that the human apparatus was similarly affected: many victims who appeared to have suffered minor injuries—or none at all—succumbed nonetheless to psychic and physical symptoms that proved highly debilitating, if not fatal.

The hedging of personal and corporate liability by means of insurance—what Arthur Schopenhauer described as “a public sacrifice made on the altar of anxiety”—is also a product of the second industrial revolution. In order for some claimants to be compensated, they needed an etiology that allowed for physical causes to produce only psychic effects. Just as traumatized Vietnam veterans and activists would campaign to have their psychological symptoms recognized to qualify for compensation, victims of railway accidents made a similar case to insurance companies. Both groups faced the same problem: Without evidence of organic damage, how could they prove a particular event had so grievously affected them? The initial explanation of the psychic injury suffered by some railway-accident victims was indeed physiological: “railway spine” consisted of supposed microscopic deterioration of the spinal cord caused by the accident’s impact, a physical trauma that had psychic effects.

These were the sort of effects that Charles Dickens suffered when he survived a railway accident in June 1865; seemingly unhurt, he hurried to help those who’d been injured. However, when he was recounting the incident in a letter a few days later, symptoms arose: “But in writing these scanty words of recollection I feel the shake and I am obliged to stop.” Which he did, abruptly, with the appropriate valediction: “Ever faithfully, Charles Dickens.” This is apposite, I think, because it’s the fidelity of recollection that becomes the most important issue for those struggling to establish an etiology of psychological trauma. There was “the shake,” and there was the memory of what provoked it: a cause that, since it was too extreme to be assimilated at the time, becomes a strange sort of effect by recurring in the victim’s psyche, often in the form of day- or nightmares.

It is as if Dickens’s psyche was so overwhelmed that he was unable to place the experience in a temporal framework—one that would allow him to make a narrative of it, so as to render him once more the teller of his own tale, rather than the plaything of fate. Which is surely what we all want to be, whether we’re novelists or not. It’s this incapacity for proper retrospection—part of the “post” that gets appended to traumatic symptoms—that chimes so obviously with Freud’s notion of Nachträglichkeit, generally translated as “belatedness.” That shocking events could be repressed only to return tricked out in a new guise became one of the conceptual building blocks of Freudian theory during the decades following the codification of the new maladies associated with railway accidents.

The idea that an entirely veridical memory of an event must in some sense remain encrypted in the individual’s psyche was already a fixture of nineteenth-century mnemonic theory, but the general understanding of the form that memory might take was framed in terms of metaphors derived from the emergent technologies of the era. Thus the railway made its appearance as a means of conceiving the traffic between consciousness and memory: “Trains of thought are continually passing to and fro, from the light into the dark, and back from the dark into the light,” the journalist and literary critic E. S. Dallas wrote in 1867. On board were the memories of shocking events—ones that individuals under hypnosis became capable of not simply summoning up, but acting out in exhaustive detail.

The rise of specular technologies in the early nineteenth century, beginning with dioramas and magic lantern shows and culminating in the first photographs made by Nicéphore Niépce, Louis Daguerre, and others in the first half of the nineteenth century, inasmuch as they presented scenes and individuals within those scenes with apparent objectivity, paradoxically also reinforced the irredeemably subjective character of perception. Their first viewers experienced a sort of frisson on regarding these early photographs—concentrating not on an entire image but the details it revealed of humdrum objects—and would stare at a silver-backed hairbrush, or a crystal glass that they had long known but that had now been re-realized. For Schivelbusch, the photograph offered the sensuous engagement with the immediate foreground that the blurred view from the train had deprived its passengers of. This is another form of the compensatory technological dyad noted by Freud in Civilization and Its Discontents, where he observed that “if there were no railway to overcome distances, my child would never have left his hometown, and I should not need the telephone in order to hear his voice.” A dyad that’s surely congruent with that “exact ratio” which threatens us as we disregard our fears about the technologies we profligately employ. After all, if the phone line were to be suddenly cut off, doubtless Papa Sigmund would feel at once desolated by the absence he had once experienced as routine.

For Walter Benjamin, however, the compensatory mechanism was less reliable and the taking of photographs was itself a form of trauma: “A touch of the finger now sufficed to fix an event for an unlimited period of time. The camera gave the moment a posthumous shock, as it were.” And just as the arrival of the image taken in such a manner was belated, so the entire process of photography could be seen as not simply analogous, but functionally congruent with Freud’s emergent theory of trauma, which in his classic paper Beyond the Pleasure Principle limned the incontinent nightmares of so-called shell-shocked soldiers like so: “The dreams are attempts at restoring control of the stimuli by developing apprehension, the pretermission of which caused the traumatic neurosis.”

The statement can be adapted to speak of photography’s epistemic impact: Images of this kind endeavor to produce objectivity retroactively, by showing the overall context, the omission of which is the cause of subjectivity. This applies to all the specular technologies spawned in photography’s wake—right down to the MRIs and ultrasounds of our frantically medicalized era. These scans produce an odd sort of frisson in us when we contemplate their ghostly images, presented to us as objective representations of our own irredeemably subjective experience, including—some assert—the traumas inflicted upon us.

Looked at this way, the symptoms associated with modern conceptions of trauma are the psychic correlates of physical processes to which the individual psyche cannot consciously adapt: you either repress the posthumous shock engendered by the totality of the camera’s image, or you rise up giddily into psychosis. You either repress your awareness of the steely wheels slicing away within inches of your vulnerable body, or you collapse into catatonia.

The argument that something like PTSD existed prior to industrialization must be sustained with evidence of symptoms constitutive of the modern definition. In her foundational monograph on trauma theory, Cathy Caruth offers the most general definition of trauma as

an overwhelming experience of sudden, or catastrophic events, in which the response to the event occurs in the often delayed, uncontrolled repetitive appearance of hallucinations and other intrusive phenomena.

This last term seems an ambiguous catchall. The DSM-V adds some detail, initially characterizing the mnemonic effects of trauma as “recurrent, involuntary, and intrusive distressing memories of the traumatic event(s).” It then moves on to the nightmares that so piqued Freud’s interest, and led him to alter his previous contention that all dreams were wish fulfillments: “Recurrent distressing dreams in which the content and/or affect of the dream are related to the traumatic event(s).” Whether or not the manifest content of these dreams (following the Freudian distinction) is synonymous with the traumatizing event becomes, paradoxically, a matter of just that capacity for recall that has been thrown into doubt by the initial amnesia the event induced. The traumatized psyche seems to be being figured, if unconsciously, in a synecdochic relation to the mass-produced trauma of the twentieth century: a part of a whole that finds its collective memories—of the Holocaust, of the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki—ever more mercurially subjective, even as technological advances seem to ensure their objective representation for all time.

But however the traumatic event is visited on the individual, the question remains: Are the symptoms that have come to be identified as evidence of trauma peculiar to the modern era? We would expect literary critics who insist otherwise to produce evidence from literary sources—either diaristic or fictive accounts of those characteristic flashbacks to events that cannot be narrated in a conventional way. Yet this is seldom the way they go about things. Take, for instance, the opening lines of The Routledge Companion to Literature and Trauma, which was published last year:

trauma originally referred to a physical injury requiring medical treatment. It derives from the Ancient Greek word for “wound” (τραυμα, traûma). However, since the nineteenth century the term has mutated so that it is now primarily used to describe emotional wounds, traces left on the mind by catastrophic, painful events.

You don’t need to be a semiotician, let alone a deconstructionist literary critic, to observe that these sentences beg far more questions than they answer while assuming much more than can be proved. They say that “the term has mutated” and that it is now “primarily used to describe” something other than it did before. But they leave unsaid whether the wounds now being described existed before the mutation. That greater interest should be shown in semantics than in the reality of the underlying phenomenon that language seeks to capture has, of course, become typical of the field. The nineteenth-century Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure inaugurated structuralism with his theory of meaning—in social structures as much as languages—as a sort of snapshot: a framing of the relationship between signifier and signified within a highly relativistic but nonetheless determinate moment. And with the advent of the philosopher and literary theorist Jacques Derrida, whose name is littered throughout the Routledge collection, the differences that generate meaning became différance, the term he coined to express the notion that by reason of each current signifier being coupled to all the signifiers of the past, each takes its place in a great, clunking train of meaning that’s always in danger of arriving too early, too late, or being altogether derailed.

This diachronic understanding of meaning was figured, by Derrida, as wholly destructive of the Western Logos and its preoccupation with determinate truths about a determinate world, which is why the use of his deconstructive critical methods by trauma theorists—the identification of aporia and paradox in literary texts to radically reinterpret them—for the purpose of constructing a new kind of transcendental signification is absurd not only philosophically, but morally as well. Nonetheless, these theorists are only following their maître: they are willing to say something about the difference over time in trauma’s meaning so conceived, but nothing at all about what it is that’s being signified.

Just as early psychological theorists of trauma were preoccupied by the way traumatic experiences seemed to confuse the possibility of wholly truthful recall, so these literary theorists of trauma are obsessed (and I don’t believe this is too strong) with the way their understanding of semantics confuses the possibility not just of trauma’s effective representation but of any effective representation at all. This presumably explains, in part, why they scarcely attempt to find such representations. At the outset of Nicole Sütterlin’s essay for the Routledge collection, titled “History of Trauma Theory,” she writes that

isolated examples of what today we refer to as psychological trauma can arguably be traced all the way back to Homer’s Iliad. Insofar as tragic events have caused humans immense and prolonged suffering since times immemorial, trauma may be deemed an “anthropological constant.”

The important modifiers here (and they’re ones that haven’t changed their significance much over the years) are “arguably” and “may.” Elsewhere in the literature of trauma theory, there are equally cursory references to descriptions of trauma that may conform to the symptoms listed in the DSM. We are told that it is present in the Epic of Gilgamesh, or the classical authors, or in Shakespeare. This latter attribution I find the most interesting. Standing on the brink of modernity, Shakespeare’s oeuvre is all-encompassing: love and hate, pain and pleasure, joy and despair. Truly, all of human life is present in his plays and poetry. A number of theorists have argued that Shakespeare’s Macbeth is a victim of trauma, and they would presumably see this at work in his most celebrated soliloquy:

Is this a dagger which I see before me, the handle toward my hand? Come, let me clutch thee.
I have thee not, and yet I see thee still.
Art thou not, fatal vision, sensible
To feeling as to sight? or art thou but
A dagger of the mind, a false creation,
Proceeding from the heat-oppressèd brain?

We can agree that Macbeth is tormented by visions, and that these visions relate to psychic content formed by an event he is incapable of factoring into his own self-consciousness; but unfortunately for trauma theorists, his murder of King Duncan lies in the future, rather than being an unassimilable element of the past.

Equally, Hamlet may be visited by the ghost of his father, whose apparition corresponds, in its very ontological instability, to his repressed awareness of his father’s murderer’s identity, but nowhere does Shakespeare describe him as troubled by memories that he cannot square with his sense of himself. Rather, it is his divided nature itself that is figured as primary. Once more it is “conscience [that] does make cowards of us all.”

A further example of wishful exegetical thinking can be found in readings of Sophocles’ early tragedy Ajax. Bessel van der Kolk informs us that the play has been performed more than two hundred times for U.S. veterans, who have found its depiction of a great warrior driven to madness and suicide easy to identify with.

I have no doubt that Ajax speaks to recent combat veterans, but as is the case with much of Greek tragedy, the play is actually about the universal predicament of the human psyche, forever balletically poised between fate and freedom. Ajax is a perpetrator rather than an innocent victim: one who, crazed by hubris, slaughters men and animals indiscriminately because he feels himself slighted. His suicide is a function of humiliation—not trauma as understood in the contemporary sense at all. Following stagings of Ajax, according to van der Kolk,

many [of the veterans] quoted lines from the play as they spoke about their sleepless nights, drug addiction, and alienation from their families. The atmosphere was electric, and afterward the audience huddled in the foyer, some holding each other and crying, others in deep sorrow.

It’s an affecting portrayal, until you stop to consider that it has been provoked by the plight of a man who goes mad merely because the dead hero Achilles’ armor has been awarded to Odysseus rather than him, because Odysseus is judged to be the better warrior. This is the vainglory of Hotspur—another of Shakespeare’s characters whose tribulations are often interpreted as PTSD—raised to the power of a hundred, and the Nachträglichkeit here is the belated recognition of Ajax’ committal of an atrocity. It’s not hard to see why this perpetrator-friendly approach might appeal to the U.S. military in particular: the wars undertaken since September 11 have pitted overwhelming firepower against lightly armed guerrilla forces, to devastating effect. It’s the goddess Athena who diverts Ajax’ homicidal rage away from Agamemnon and Menelaus, the leaders of the Greeks who he feels have snubbed him, and redirects it toward the livestock they have taken as booty from the Trojans. In this induced trance he indiscriminately slaughters sheep, goats, cows, and humble herdsmen. It’s a nice analogy of asymmetrical modern warfare.

Van der Kolk tacitly demonstrates his exemplary patriotism by refusing to make any moral judgments about veterans afflicted with PTSD. Discussing a form of exposure treatment whereby veterans are repeatedly subjected to representations of their own traumatizing events in order to desensitize them, he remarks:

One form . . . is virtual-reality therapy in which veterans wear high-tech goggles that make it possible to refight the Battle of Fallujah in lifelike detail . . . As far as I know the U.S. Marines performed very well in combat, the problem is that they cannot tolerate being at home.

What a Pandora’s box is opened by that chilling little aside: “As far as I know.” Performing “very well” for this guru of trauma therapy (the founder of one of the most influential research centers on the malady in the United States, no less) is reducing a city to rubble using depleted uranium shells and then incinerating enemy combatants and civilians alike.

But it may be that such validation is therapeutically necessary. At least one explanation for the widespread suffering from what was first dubbed “shell shock” (and then placed under the causational catchall “war neuroses”) was that the mass conscript armies of World War I returned to take up social roles that afforded no valorization of their disturbing experiences—no Ajaxes, they. In earlier eras, career warriors were not only permitted to describe their bloody feats and failures but were part of a wider culture that effectively encouraged them to do so, or sustained others to do so using the appropriate poetic forms. Moreover, conscripts returning from the war had to reassume civilian identities, thus introducing a troubling doubling of their own psyches: such extraordinary memories were quite simply unassimilable by their quotidian minds.

For Paul Fussell—who, as a literary critic and a former U.S. Army officer and Purple Heart recipient, certainly knew what he was talking about—the ironic reversal enacted between August 1914, when the armies of the great European powers marched off to war, drums beating, and August 1915, by which time they were bogged down in horrific trench warfare, is the affective crucible of the twentieth century: out of this living hell comes our sense of absurdity, of detachment, and yes, of trauma. Fussell’s groundbreaking study, The Great War and Modern Memory, hypothesized that trauma was collective and largely involuntary. He also saw it as a hermeneutic crisis: in the packs of British soldiers—officers and enlisted men alike, for this was quite likely the first fully literate army to enter the field—were copies of John Bunyan’s The Pilgrim’s Progress and The Oxford Book of English Verse, uniting them in an imaginary realm of organic social relations and bucolic beauty. Then they got out their spades and trowels and began to dig in. The howitzer shells that screamed down upon their heads left little time for textual interpretation, but one thing that became painfully clear was that never before had the ideal been so at the mercy of the real.

While World War I may have been the first fought by fully literate armies, World War II was fought by Allied forces that came equipped with their own psychiatrists. Such was the extent of battlefield trauma during the D-Day landings that the U.S. Army’s emergency field hospitals had to be staffed with psychiatrists to treat soldiers suffering from no discernible bodily injury yet manifesting the most florid of mental symptoms—a truth not simply inconvenient for the emergent world hegemon of the postwar period, but inadmissible. So trauma sank back down into the collective unconscious once more, only to reemerge after a defeat inflicted on U.S. forces that—because of all the asymmetries of force and culture involved—couldn’t be repressed. That the traumas experienced by Vietnam veterans were as much a function of acts they had perpetrated as they were of those inflicted upon them in part explains why contemporary trauma theorists’ conceptions of the malady, and their attendant therapies, collapse this fundamental ethical distinction. Significantly, van der Kolk’s attempts to treat a Marine veteran who had raped a Vietnamese woman and murdered several civilians, children among them, is the first of his transformative case histories related in The Body Keeps the Score.

A quintessential early example of the workings of war neurosis is Erich Maria Remarque’s account of the post hoc symptoms that visited him prior to his writing of All Quiet on the Western Front. For a decade after the war he’d scarcely thought about the battlefield, and he’d concentrated his literary efforts on the journalism that was his daily bread. Then, afflicted with anxiety and depression, Remarque realized that he had been repressing memories of his wartime experience. The autobiographical novel he then completed in just a few weeks is both vivid and lurid, a succession of images impressed on his young psyche by the extreme violence and destruction of newly mechanized warfare, seemingly transferred directly to the page after a decade-long hiatus.

As it was with Remarque, so it was for R. C. Sherriff, whose play Journey’s End—which places shell shock at its dramatic center—was staged the same year, 1928, as the former’s novel was published. Both stood in a synecdochic relation to societies that had collectively repressed their experience of the war. I would argue it was this mass experience of Nachträglichkeit that influenced Freud’s pivot, in Beyond the Pleasure Principle, back to a view of trauma as having an organic basis: whatever else the death drive may be, it’s clearly innate. Freud’s recognition of the death instinct also seemed to confirm his earliest intuitions that his hysterical patients really had been sexually abused. For Freud, the human organism is propelled toward even unpleasant experiences if they conform with its instinctive desires; moreover, the replaying of awful happenings at the front not only registers the amplitude of said desires, but also confirms the truth of these experiences.

That Freud beat Remarque and Sherriff to the punch is unsurprising. Already steeped in the phenomena associated with hysteria, including its simulation—or mirroring—in the state of hypnosis, he was primed to understand war neuroses as another response to a catastrophic breakdown in the psyche’s assumption of stability and continuity.

Freud’s later abandonment of the physical actualité underlying his patients’ hysteria ultimately allowed the whole edifice of Freudianism to come under assault—from within by the erstwhile Freud Museum archivist, Jeffrey Masson, and from without by feminist thinkers who saw in it a willful (and very masculine) determination to obviate women’s suffering at the hands of men; this, and his equally tendentious identification of the representative human psyche as male.

In her foundational 1991 essay, “Unclaimed Experience: Trauma and the Possibility of History,” Caruth exonerates Freud for some of his theoretical waywardness on the basis that he, too, is a victim of trauma, his forcible expulsion from Vienna by the Nazis being encrypted in the essay’s repetitions and caesuras. Caruth’s determination to cleave simultaneously to the idea both that the traumatic memory is the only historic fact the individual possesses and that this facticity remains incapable of adequate representation is paradoxical bordering on the perverse. By the same analysis, what de-individuates us in relation to the historical eras we inhabit is precisely this: the shocking and therefore inassimilable nature of the traumatogenic events to which we’ve been subjected.

For Caruth, then, trauma jumps the rails of subjective sense to become not a marker of individual repression but the die stamped by history on the human psyche. This theoretical view has in turn been integrated into the clinic: the most recent update to the DSM has made PTSD a possible diagnosis not just for those who have experienced traumatic events “directly,” but also those who have learned about traumatic events suffered by others. Meanwhile there is a growing appreciation for “transgenerational” trauma, in which trauma induces epigenetic changes inheritable by children. And so trauma becomes a collective experience that enjoins a collective to come together so as to bear witness to . . . well, what? Is theirs to be a common destiny or a common suffering? Or quite possibly both, interdependently? The paradox is that Caruth and the other trauma theorists who follow in her vein wish to assert trauma’s significance as timeless, all while forging an ideology clearly linked to the most salient mass traumas of the twentieth century. Or at least to one in particular: the Holocaust. In fact, one of the most significant trauma theorists, the Israeli-American psychiatrist Dori Laub, was himself a Holocaust survivor, which undoubtedly gives his theorizing moral traction—but that’s no reason to accord his epistemological claims any greater status than those of anyone else.

Or is it? The crisis in American literary criticism is often figured as being peculiarly personal as well as political. Derridean deconstruction was introduced into American letters by the émigré critic Paul de Man. The posthumous revelations of de Man’s Nazi collaboration seemed to fatally elide the philosophic and the practical: here was a man who had inculcated in Yale literature students (Caruth among them) a view not only of language as detached from its object, but of its users as condemned to ignorance of their own meanings in the very act of utterance. A view de Man’s acolytes then marshaled in defense of his anti-Semitic wartime writing.

Setting aside the straw man that is de Man, what we have here is surely as much a crisis in professionalism as it is in ethics. Without being able to say anything definitive about literature, what, pray, is the point of literary critics? Concomitantly, if such luminaries lay claim to the artistic freedom allotted to poets and novelists, then why are their texts all too often devoid of any aesthetic sense at all, while being replete with jargon both ugly and incomprehensible? Heading in the opposite direction, the breaking down of barriers altogether between discourses and the view of literature as possessing the epistemic gravity of philosophy—or science for that matter—also seem to have produced still more critical texts that exhibit the worst stylistic failings of both. We find in the trauma theorists’ offerings little of the playfulness and rhetorical flair that marked the eruption of Barthes and Derrida onto the scene.

Certainly not in the work of Caruth, whose academic papers sometimes foreground the direct testimony of the traumatized—whether they be Holocaust survivors or African-American teenagers who’ve witnessed the gunshot killings of their peers—seemingly as a guarantor of their authenticity, for this transfer of utterance back into graphology reverses the devilishness of deconstruction and returns literary critics to the side of the angels. No longer priestesses and priests in the cult of the Western Logos, no longer implicit defenders of the status quo ante, literary critics become warriors for synchronic justice conceived as catharsis. All must be resolved now by collective abreaction, whereby literary critics will be the handmaidens of a sort of universal truth-and-reconciliation event: cathartic Rapture. It calls to mind Kafka’s teasing dismissal of all such year zeros in The Zürau Aphorisms:

The decisive moment of human development is continually at hand. That is why those movements of revolutionary thought that declare everything preceding to be an irrelevance are correct—because as yet nothing has happened.

If the distinguishing feature of traumatic memory is that it both defines and even determines the being and doing of the rememberer—his fear and his trembling—then that of normal, healthy memory is that it serves the needs of the present. This, of course, doesn’t guarantee that “normal, healthy” memory is necessarily more accurate than its traumatic sibling; after all, the psyche tends to operate by associations of ideas that are inherently selective. As Nietzsche so succinctly puts it: “ ‘I have done that,’ says my memory. ‘I cannot have done that,’ says my pride, and remains inexorable. Eventually—memory yields.” Regarded this way, “normal” memory is inevitably self-seeking. The nationalist myths that dominate memories of war, even in the era of conscript armies, are examples of self-serving at a collective level—but there are many, many others.

The definition of PTSD that appeared in the DSM-IV was weighted in terms of its etiology and symptoms rather than its progress or outcome. The current edition follows this rubric by stating that PTSD is produced by certain sorts of experiences, and itemizes them: “Exposure to actual or threatened death, serious injury or sexual violence.” But how the manner of this exposure—direct, indirect, or representational—effects severity remains a matter of profound dispute. Some trauma theorists embrace the bizarre notion that it’s actually the secondary witness who receives the trauma in its truest form—because the primary victim cannot, according to them, fully recall the experience.

The similarity between the family tree of trauma and that of humanity itself cannot be ignored: in both—and in contradistinction to those of other species as a rule—initial diversity is pruned away until only one exemplar remains. However, down the generations of trauma theorists, there have, of course, been numerous black sheep. One such mutation—predictably repressed by the trauma theorists themselves—was expressed in the Eighties, when so-called recovered memory syndrome coupled with multiple personality disorder to create an extraordinary popular delusion: the widespread conviction that an extensive network of satanic covens existed throughout the United States (and to some extent in the United Kingdom, although notably hardly anywhere else in the world) dedicated to the sexual abuse and ritual sacrifice of thousands of children.

This outbreak of mass hysteria shared with trauma theory the underlying conviction that the recall of trauma could be delayed, even by years and decades, and that its authenticity was guaranteed by its own belatedness. Uncorrupted by interlocution (which would necessarily entail confabulation), the victim retained an absolutely reliable memory of whatever satanism they’d been subjected to—such as the bloody pentagram being inscribed and the naked, chanting figures wearing animal masks forming a circle around them. To collapse the Marxian dialectic of premature revolution: this was history simultaneously as tragedy and farce. By reason of these recovered memories, the falsely accused suffered and their discredited accusers suffered as well (from a bespoke new pathology of “false memory syndrome”), while behind this particular scrim, the real actions that had projected such exaggerated images continued: long-term, systemic sexual abuse of children in a whole range of institutions, including orphanages, churches, and schools; abuse that has come to light in subsequent decades—not, it seems important to note, because of any evolution in our understanding of human memory, but simply because of the gradual accretion of perfectly traditional forms of evidence: the eyewitness testimony of the abused.

The discrediting of satanic ritual abuse was concurrent with its exposure. Writing an investigative piece on the subject myself in the early Nineties, I was told by the then head of the children’s services section of Britain’s National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children that while the incidence of such ritual practices was vanishingly rare, commonplace (!) sexual abuse was very likely far more widespread than anyone was publicly prepared to admit. The subsequent “forgetting” of the entire episode—at least in the evanescent realm of popular consciousness—can be considered analogous to other caesuras in the genealogy of trauma.

But of course, anxieties about the extent to which the symptoms of trauma—the flashbacks, daymares, nightmares, shakes, and shivers—have been implanted in distressed minds by well-meaning but wrongheaded doctors can never be entirely repressed. The problem being that for the traumatized there is no external, open wound—only an internal, psychic one. As Caruth puts it:

The possibility that reference is indirect, and that consequently we may not have direct access to others’, or even our own, histories, seems to imply the impossibility of any access to other cultures, and hence of any means of making political or ethical judgments.

But behind all of this sleeping on the other’s wounds lies the godless father of all postmodernists, bristling with his own ressentiment while mordantly hissing that “eventually—memory yields.”

You wouldn’t necessarily expect an essay on literary forms and their developments—in this case, Walter Benjamin’s “On Some Motifs in Baudelaire”—to touch upon the origin of traumas in their widest sense; and yet it is there that Benjamin writes of Henri Bergson’s theory of memory that it

manages above all to stay clear of that experience from which his own philosophy evolved or, rather, in reaction to which it arose. It was the inhospitable, blinding age of big-scale industrialism. In shutting out this experience the eye perceives an experience of a complementary nature in the form of its spontaneous afterimage, as it were.

Here, under “big-scale industrialism,” one thinks of everything from the showers of sparks produced by a metal lathe to the white-hot stream of steel poured from a crucible, to the bright flash of combined magnesium and chlorate that shocked the rigid sitters as the camera’s eye captured their images for eternity. All around the shaky-shivery coming-into-pathological-being of trauma in the nineteenth century we find these specular images and afterimages, which in themselves are perhaps also conceptual ones. Toward the end of the century, Wilhelm Kühne developed his theory of orthography: the idea that an image can be preserved on the retina. With the contemporary obsession with forensics, orthography came to be taken seriously enough that detectives at murder scenes would, indeed, look into the victims’ eyes, in the hope that the culprit’s image could be beheld there, leading to their rapid arrest and punishment.

This is, I think, the context within which we should view trauma theory. The theorists feel great crimes have been committed but—by reason of the instability of language, and the partiality of those who speak it—there can be no possibility of an indictment. Unless, that is, there is a veridical image imprinted in the victims’ mind/brain, one which can be extracted using a method that depends simultaneously on the necessity of speech and the impossibility of its communicating the truth. The great anxiety about the forgetting of trauma is that we will be doomed to repeat itJust as we might conceive of the symptoms associated with PTSD as the somatic equivalent of an earworm: an attempt to “play the experience through” to the effective end we were denied in the first instance precisely because of our shock. So it is that we stage one Holocaust Remembrance Day after another, all the while agonizing that if a critical mass of human animals forget their own genocidal potential, this will activate it.

But if there is anything distinctively modern about the Holocaust or Hiroshima, it lies in the technologies that enabled them: the aforementioned railways, communication networks, and of course the most plangent example of a technical apparatus capable of blowing itself to pieces, the nuclear fission bomb. And then there are the particular forms of these events’ specularity: as Susan Sontag observes, following Hannah Arendt, the notorious photographs of Nazi concentration camps were errant to the point of being staged. The piles of naked corpses, and beside them their discarded clothes; the survivors lolling in their bunks, heads obscenely large, bodies grotesquely emaciated—all of this was what the liberators witnessed (and what undoubtedly traumatized many of them—one thinks of Seymour Glass’s suicide in J. D. Salinger’s “A Perfect Day for Bananafish”). But when the camps were operating normally, they were tidy, well-regulated environments in which the killing was handled expeditiously and out of sight.

Reading trauma theorists such as Dori Laub and Shoshana Felman, I’m struck by the common vocabulary of crisis, despite their professional differences as psychoanalyst and literary critic: the crisis of history and the crisis of signification are referred to as interoperable, if not interchangeable. In her essay “Irresponsible Nonsense: An Epistemological and Ethical Critique of Postmodern Trauma Theory,” Anne Rothe, an associate professor at Wayne State University, elegantly debunks the trauma theorists’ claims to have arrived at a new basis for knowledge. She takes aim at Caruth and her co-authors, tasking them with “dispossess[ing] victims and survivors of the subject position of witness in order to ascribe it to themselves and the status of testimony to their self-aggrandizing speculations.”

For Rothe, the elision of the crisis of signification with the aporias and paradoxes that characterize trauma victims’ testimonies has had precisely the inverse effect from what was desired: rather than these terrible memories, individual and collective, being afforded narrative comprehension by their telling, they are transmogrified into psychic virions capable of infecting those who come into contact with their hosts. It is therefore incumbent on those who would bear witness to the great traumas of the twentieth century that they become . . . what? Yes, you guessed it: deconstructing literary critics.

That the Holocaust has such a privileged position in this transmission of trauma lends weight to Rothe’s assertion that the pivot from de Man’s deconstruction to Caruth’s trauma theory is as much an attempt to restore meaningful signification as it is an attempt to base a theory of literary interpretation on its impossibly arbitrary character. In all this tergiversation—much of it, doubtless, at academic conferences where papers are presented and reputations gilded—the result becomes “the nonsensical and unethical transformation of the Holocaust into a rhetorical figure.” In other words, Holocaust Remembrance Day voided of any genuine remembering.

To decouple the experience of the great twentieth-century traumas from the train of history is, paradoxically, to watch it decelerate into a siding and halt. Only the universalization of such traumas and their incorporation into a grand narrative of human moral progress will deliver “us” (itself a dubious piece of inclusion, humans being quite as various as they are) from the suspicion that things are getting worse. Getting worse, specifically, through those technologies of acceleration and specularity that I believe have massively increased the production of trauma. Borges’s Funes—a young man traumatized by his own memory, which is so accurate and complete that it metastasizes into the present—is such an uncanny creation because, of course, he anticipates our own era, in which what I think of as “peak photo” cannot be far off. It’s estimated that 2015 was the first year in which more than a trillion photographs were taken. Soon enough, I wager, we will live through a single day in which more photographs are taken than in the century after Niépce set up his apparatus in Chalon-sur-Saône. And don’t get me started about the closed-circuit surveillance systems that can make it seem we’re breaking the fourth wall of some real-time mass drama every time we speak our lines. We look at screens and through them for most of our days, our only relaxation being the switch from having to click and point for ourselves to being compelled to do so by some clever editor’s crosscutting between shots, which are becoming shorter and shorter in lockstep with our own diminishing attention spans.

I asserted at the outset that I believed human psyches and the specular and accelerating technologies of the past two centuries had entered a sort of symbiotic relationship with one another, each proliferating by means of the other. To paraphrase Freud differently: If there were no mobile phones with built-in cameras and no assemblage of the internet, there would be no requirement for me to visit another town in order to take selfies in front of its landmarks so as to upload them to my social-media feeds. And what is all of this world-girdling reflecting and re-reflecting, if not the compulsions of a collective psyche condemned to remember rather than forget—to remember not the grand narratives of human redemption, but the trauma by a thousand blows that descends on the human psyche by reason of its occupying these sorts of environments? Fast-forward from Benjamin’s posthumous shock a little and we find that

haptic experiences of this kind [are] joined by optic ones, such as are supplied by the advertising pages of a newspaper or the traffic of a big city. Moving through this traffic involves the individual in a series of shocks and collisions. At dangerous intersections, nervous impulses flow through him in rapid succession, like the energy from a battery.

The insistence that technologies of this sort are value-neutral is shown up for the speciousness it is once the cost of their production becomes clear. That we live in affluent societies, in bubbles of safety and comfort underwritten by the labor of machines and people banished from our purview, is a realization everywhere repressed: these are the steely wheels slicing away beneath the most vulnerable portions of our bodies, as we swipe left and the train of progress chunters on into the night. The light of reason shines the way.

Into the crepuscular realm of social media, for example. If we understand trauma to be a function of technologies that engender in us a sense of profound security underscored by high anxiety, then platforms such as Twitter, Instagram, and TikTok would seem purpose-built for its manufacture, offering as they do the coziness of Marshall McLuhan’s global village and its inevitable social problems: global gossip, global reviling, and global abuse. A recent article in Slate pointed out that on TikTok, any number of behaviors are now dubbed “trauma responses” by the self-styled “coaches” who post videos on the app telling their followers how to identify the trauma within themselves. Many thousands of people are becoming convinced that perfectly ordinary reactions to such commonplace problems as overbearing bosses or perfidious friends are, in fact, reflex responses seared into their psyches by the white heat of trauma, which suggests to me that this medium is indeed its own message. That message is the very antithesis of Wordsworth’s “emotion recollected in tranquility,” namely: being infected with emotion in pandemonium. This epochal social and technological change has indeed involved millions reclining in little pixelated psychic train carriages, powered by mutual affirmation, which from time to time are violently derailed. And yes—there also seems an exact ratio between all those likes . . . and all those hates.

That social media is inherently traumatogenic is thus a truth universally acknowledged—the very names of the sites proclaim it: TikTok evoking the merciless imposition of clock time that severs us, again and again, from our subjective experience and propels us into the savage realm of impersonal quantification. So why not take people at their word, rather than try and rewind the clock to a time when all that was required to comprehend was a dictionary of historical principles? We understand what “shit happens” means because shit does, indeed, keep happening, while our high-tech specular technologies enable us to capture this in slow motion or speed it up, to watch it happen again and again, or interpolate episodes of it happening in the past or the future into our own present. This alone: the formal structural relation between the flashback and the radical analepsis of trauma should surely have alerted us before now to the intrinsically traumatogenic character of the modern era, with its ever more graphic and hyperreal stagings of human disembodiment. Is the witnessing of violence onscreen traumatizing? Not according to the DSM-V, which explicitly denies this—with the exception of those such as police officers and social workers, who may have to view such imagery as part of their work. But then they have to say this, don’t they—for disavowing the entertainment value of violence would be a case of That’s all, folks! We’d collapse into a timorous huddle at the memory of all the meaningless gore we’ve seen.

Reassure me it’s like this for you too: you find yourself coming to consciousness again and again in this world, your mouth open, and speech emerging that seems to be making sense—yet even at the moment this takes place in all its incomprehensibly random spontaneity, it’s shadowed by this thought: I should’ve anticipated it . . . Moreover, it—the language, that is—should’ve anticipated me. By which I mean to express this notion: in our confusion we try to reinterpret the unthinking utterance so as to assimilate it into the ever-evolving narrative of our conscious lives—to make of it something that’s been uttered by a self-aware and thinking I, rather than an inchoate and amorphous swirl of semiconsciousnesses. And in the light of this equally arresting après-coup, the speech becomes a belated harbinger of itself—as one might put it phatically, shaking one’s ringing head, “shit happens,” including thoughts that should’ve preceded their expression.

Wednesday, November 17, 2021

The Man Who Freed Me From Cant

The Man Who Freed Me From Cant

The Atlantic · by Ta-Nehisi Coates · November 13, 2021

I always find it hard to list the books that have influenced me the most. Memory is tricky, and a work can assert its influences over my thinking long after I’ve forgotten its particular details, or even its title. Moreover, people who set as their job the task of judging what others do, and why, are not always reliable when turning the lens upon themselves. And then there’s the fact that any list of books that I feel made me, as both a writer and a human, changes with the day and feeling. Still, on that changing list there are a few mainstays.
Take Tony Judt’s Postwar. I first encountered Tony in a swirl of legend and myth, an intellectual hero who, in the dark post-9/11 years, inveighed against the Israeli occupation and filleted the “useful idiots” who sanctified the War on Terror. Having, at that time, read very little of Tony, I was left with the impression of an intellectual monk who eschewed the dictates of party or crowd. I’ve always been skeptical of writers who are spoken of in this way, intellectuals praised for violating the dictums of both “the left and the right” as though the best answer somehow lay unerringly in between. Maybe that’s why I didn’t read a book by Tony until after he’d died. It was my mistake. It was my loss.
Postwar—Tony’s much-lauded synthesis of European history after World War II—felt like a natural starting place. I had taken the idea of race in American life as my field of study. That road necessarily led to Europe, where the idea of race was invented. But as much as the contents of Postwar ultimately influenced me, it was Tony’s style that left a mark. I was then a writer in my mid-30s, experiencing a period of novel stability and unlikely prominence. I found the former a better fit than the latter. I began to take note of the unique pressures that the world puts on “prominent” Black writers—specifically the demand that one write in a way that necessarily and explicitly provides “hope.” In its benevolent manifestation, the request originated in the very real inspiration that people took from the Black struggle in America. Less honorably, the demand for “hope” was little more than a demand to bleach the past. Benevolent or not, it somehow felt wrong to write with the intent of authoring a morality play in which the forces of good necessarily triumph. I didn’t quite know why I felt that way. I didn’t really know why quotes about the “arc of the universe” and the sense that good and right ultimately prevail repulsed me so. For me, the answers were in the pages of Postwar.
This piece is adapted from Ill Fares the Land.
I had never read so merciless a book. Tony had no use for pieties—no tolerance for invocations of a “Good War” or the “Greatest Generation.” Power reigns in Postwar, often in brutal ways. Tony writes of Jewish survivors of the Holocaust returning to Poland only to be asked, “Why have you come back?” He introduced me to intellectuals, such as François Furet, forced to reckon not just with Stalin’s crimes but with a discrediting of a “Grand Narrative” of history itself. “All the lives lost, and resources wasted in transforming societies under state direction,” Tony writes of this reckoning, were “just what their critics had always said they were: loss, waste, failure and crime.” Early in Postwar, Tony quotes the observations of a journalist covering the ethnic cleansings that characterized postwar Europe. The journalist self-satisfyingly claims that history will “exact a terrible retribution.” But, Tony tells us, history “exacted no such retribution.” No righteous, God-ordained price was to be paid for this crime against humanity. The arc of history did not magically bend. It was bent, even broken, by those with power.
I can’t tell you how liberating I found all of this. By the time I’d encountered Tony, I was already fairly convinced that there was darkness in this world, and that darkness often triumphed. Now I was freed to say so. It is perhaps odd to find intellectual liberation in such grim work. All I can say is that the work was never so much grim to me as it was illuminating. It answered the gnawing question of why evil was so resilient, and why it was so difficult to bring forth a more egalitarian world. Postwar might have been grim, but it did not despair. It was a ruthless accounting of the depths to which men might sink, and thus a necessary precondition of a vision of the future that did not depend on slogans and fairy tales—that is to say, a true and durable hope.
In some ways his book Ill Fares the Land is an addendum—a remarkable effort at sketching out what such durable hope might look like. Published originally in 2010, at the height of the Obama presidency—five days before the Affordable Care Act passed—Ill Fares the Land takes as its subject the rise of social democracy in the mid-20th century, its subsequent fall toward the century’s end, and the potential path back. The social democrat, in Judt’s eyes, holds a classical liberal’s belief in “a commitment to cultural and religious tolerance” but adds to that a faith “in the possibility and virtue of collective action for a collective good.” In that vision, the state is the central vehicle, and much of Ill Fares the Land is a recounting of attacks on the state by conservatives and the halting, feckless defense of the state by liberals who’ve joined their one-time foes in their aversion to “big government” and deep faith in the wisdom of the market. The result of such rhetoric and the policy that has followed it—privatization and the shredding of the welfare state—has been “an eviscerated society,” writes Judt, one where the “thick mesh of social interactions and public goods has been reduced to a minimum, with nothing except authority and obedience binding the citizen to the state.”
It is this “eviscerated society” and its attendant values of profit and efficiency that have given us an era of shameful inequality wherein a “democratic” country like the United States can have roughly the same index of inequality as authoritarian China. Tony notes that in 2005, about a fifth of America’s national income went to 1 percent of its population. It is a tragic testament to Judt’s book that by 2016, that 1 percent controlled a quarter of all income, and two-fifths of all wealth. And while the “eviscerated society” has allowed for massive wealth distortion, it has also seen the degradation of public goods and services under the logic of efficiency. “Thus, a private company that offers an express bus service for those who can afford it and avoids remote villages where it would be boarded only by the occasional pensioner will make more money for its owner,” writes Judt. “In this sense it is efficient. But someone—the state or the local municipality—must still provide the unprofitable, ‘inefficient’ local service to those pensioners.”
Tony wrote those words 10 years ago. It is a compliment to him, but not to the countries he assessed, that they are now more appropriate, not less. Never has the “eviscerated society” been more in evidence than it is today. America is one of the richest countries in the world. And yet, when faced with the threat of COVID-19, it mounted one of the weakest defenses in the world. It would be a mistake to simply see this as the result of Donald Trump’s election. The story of how America became the epicenter of a pandemic may center on Trump, but it began years ago, when one party took as its mission to destroy government and the other decided to grant legitimacy to that effort. Every Democratic politician who sought to shore up their power by echoing conservative denunciations of “big government ” reinforced the sense that the key to a prosperous America was to tear down and privatize as much of the state as possible. This was an essential step. For Trump to spurn oversight, fire watchdogs, raise a Cabinet of personal toadies, and generally treat the office he held with disregard, there had to first be a belief that the nonviolent parts of the state were unworthy of defense. So they were not defended. Even now, with 750,000 Americans dead, defenses of the profit motive and assertions that public-health efforts must not interfere with the economy are constant. Efficiency rules.
For all my admiration for Tony, I can’t say that if he were here, he and I would fall on the same side of every question. In addition to the rise in the cant of efficiency, profits, and the market, Tony saw the plague of identity leading us to this moment. “The politics of the ’60s thus devolved into an aggregation of individual claims upon society and the state. ‘Identity’ began to colonize public discourse: private identity, sexual identity, cultural identity,” Tony writes. “The Vietnam protests and the race riots of the ’60s … were divorced from any sense of collective purpose, being rather understood as extensions of individual self-expression and anger.”
It’s a curious thing to claim that a movement aimed at ending the Vietnam War lacked “a sense of collective purpose.” And while the Long Hot Summers were certainly expressions of anger, the ghetto, too, is a collective. But the real flaw here is starting the story too soon. The survivors of Jim Crow would be quite shocked to learn that identity began to infiltrate “public discourse” in the ’60s. Indeed, they’d be shocked by the notion that such a “public” discourse ever existed in the first place. We need not even note that the very New Deal programs that Tony holds up were made possible by the racist authoritarianism of the American South. Or that white politicians did all they could to exclude Black people from ostensibly “public” programs. Right now we are in the midst of an effort by agencies of the state to banish Black writers and scholars from the public square. And that effort did not begin with Black Twitter and campus lefties, but with congressional gag rules, the murder of Elijah Lovejoy, and the banishing of Ida B. Wells.
It would be comforting to chalk this oversight up to Tony being European and thus not understanding the crucial role of white supremacy in American history. In fact, Tony, with his disregard for romanticism and homily, should have been uniquely positioned to see through the nostalgia of a color-blind public. My sense is that such an awareness would have enriched much of Tony’s work. If there is a major weakness that runs through Ill Fares the Land and Postwar, it is the scant attention Tony paid to the role colonialism played in Europe’s prosperity and thus the welfare state that was subsequently erected. I can only wonder how much more insightful Tony’s condemnation of the Iraq War would have been, had he thought more about Europe’s own colonial wars.
Judt was not wholly unaware of the ways in which prejudice and bias have hampered the erection of a truly comprehensive public sphere. “The kind of society where trust is widespread is like to be fairly compact and quite homogenous,” he tells us, referencing the Nordic states, and a few pages later he notes that “the Dutch and the English don’t much care to share their welfare states with their former colonial subjects from Indonesia, Surinam, Pakistan or Uganda; meanwhile Danes, like Austrians, resent ‘paying’ for the Muslim refugees who have flocked to their country.” But these observations are not made in the context of a history; nor does Tony push past the question of resentment to that of the plunder of “the darker nations of the world” (to borrow Du Bois’s phrase.) The fact is that within the best of the Black freedom struggle, the call has always been concerned with both equal rights and a better world. Black Lives Matter, for instance, isn’t a call for special rights, but a reminder that a racist public is no public at all.
It would be a mistake to ignore this missing element in Tony’s work. But it would also be a mistake to disqualify the whole of it on such basis. No one writer can be totally comprehensive. An intellectual lineage, at its best, means that the progeny pick up, and attempt to improve upon, the work of their ancestors. I count Tony as one of mine. He freed me from cant and sloganeering and reinforced the idea, budding in me, that the writer is not a clergyman.
This piece is adapted from Ill Fares the Land by Tony Judt, with a new preface by Ta-Nehisi Coates.

近质与远势

 近质与远势



| 渠敬东



山水自心造,是天地幻化之象,因而不是实物实景。既非写实逼真,便无西方意义上的写生技法。或者说,捕捉山水之象,视觉并不是天然占据着首位,眼睛里看到的,是靠不住的,绝非是真象。所以说,拿视觉的尺度来观山水画,无论立轴或长卷,都会不得要领,更何况是堂壁帐屏了。



人们常说的视觉尺度,就是透视法,这是西方近代几何学发展的产物,或者说,若要准确把握视觉上的图像形态,必须得符合几何原理。透视法很复杂,简单说来有几个特点:一是要有视平线,视平线与画者的距离,便是画面的深度;二是要确定画者的眼位,即视点,这是所有透视线发出的原点;三是要在视点和视平线之间建立关联,即在视平线上选取一个心点,有了这个视觉中心,所有的透视线也就有了汇聚方向了。可以说,透视法的其他概念范畴皆由此形成,但无论怎样,有了这三个要素,人们便可以通过透视画面来成像了,在视点和视距所限定的范围内,一个具有固定尺幅的平面,便可确切地展现出一个立体构造的空间世界。



由视觉出发而对于空间确定性的追求,是透视法的目的。可是拿《早春图》来比对这种形式的空间关系,哪儿都不对,哪儿都是不明确、不确定的。先来看所谓的视平线。主峰的两侧深远处,似乎是有地平线在的,但却不能等同于视平线。主峰左侧,是渐次推远的平原河谷,两座远山的轮廓尽显,但山的落脚处却似乎迷雾一片,缥缥缈缈,虚虚幻幻,似乎偏不给出一条明确的地平线,以便留给观者模糊的空间感。主峰右侧,更是无从交代,琼楼玉宇深藏于重岭之间,看似河谷上方的两座远山与最右侧的一丛峰岭处于同一条水平线上,然而主峰与这丛峰岭之间的雾霭弥漫,使得视觉上出现了错位,分不清哪里才地平线上最准确的连接点。总之,所有需要明分之处,都被升腾的云雾锁住了,扰乱了,遮掩了,彼此间不存在任何意义上的几何关系,哪里还谈得上什么视平线?!




《早春图》视平线、视点和心点分析图



顺着透视法则,我们再来寻找视点的位置。几何学要求透视法必须要有一个明确的视点,以便观者找到最当的位点来确认画面中的空间关系。简言之,视点须是固定的,否则一切将陷入到不稳定的结构中。只有这样,连接视点与心点的视中线方可明确,借此可找到视觉中心的位置。可是,若按此索骥,《早春图》可谓随处皆是麻烦。若观主峰,视点似乎是在对面山峰的一个平行位置;若观两侧的连绵重岭,视点则需要比主峰还要高,否则远处的重山复水是见不到的;若观主峰之前的近峰或相对较近的楼观和石崖,视点必须要在对面的山腰处;若观巨石长松,视点势必要下移一些;可对于刻画得最为细致的前石或人物时,视点应该在山脚下才最为合理……这样一来,观者根本寻不到一个确切的视点,视觉上的空间关系必是无从判断的。不仅如此,《早春图》的视距也出了问题,只要我们将近景中的两组人物与长松和寒林做一比较,便知道画家的这种描画方式是完全不合常理的,因为人物在视觉上位于长松和寒林之间,长松如此高大也罢,可寒林亦比人物不成比例的放大,在视觉上是完全荒谬的。更何况,从几组人物在山林中的前后布置来看,视距该是大小不一的,可郭熙笔下的人物几乎完全一般大小,怎能符合近大远小的透视要求?




人物、长松、山峰比例关系



要想找到《早春图》的心点,以及连接视点与心点的视中线,当然就更难了。乍看起来,画面的视觉中心该是主峰的,但从布局上看,右侧两处重岭及其间的瀑布亦会夺取视觉上的焦点。近景中,长松和巨石也有这样的效果。或者说,整幅图画中,既然视平线是模糊的,视点是无数的,自然就不会有心点的具体位置,透视法是不可能实现的。



说中国山水画不循严格的透视法,不等于说违背了“近大远小”的视觉常识。宗炳《画山水序》早就说过:“去之稍阔,则其见弥小”;“竖画三寸,当千仞之高;横墨数尺,体百里之迥”。最有名的,是王维在《山水论》中提出的画决:“丈山尺树,寸马分人。远人无目,远树无枝。远山无石,隐隐如眉;远水无波,高与云齐。”这些说法,只能说在观感上与透视法是相似的,不过言之草草,不甚精确。最有趣的说法要数沈括,他在《梦溪笔谈》中拿李成“仰画飞檐”做例子,自问自答,提出了与视觉有关的关键问题。



李成的案子暂且不表,先看看沈括的说法:“大都山水之法,盖以大观小,如人观假山耳。若同真山之法,以下望上,只合见一重山,岂可重重悉见,兼不应见其溪谷间事。又如屋舍,亦不应见其中庭及后巷中事。若人在东立,则山西便合是远境;人在西立,则山东却合是远境。似此如何成画?”此话说明,对所谓近乎透视的“真山之法”,沈括是颇有怀疑的。他说出了山水画家的真悟,如果仅按照固定的视线形成的视野,通过眼睛的视觉来观看山水的话,当然是在下无法获得在上的视域,房前看不到房后,人若站在山的近一侧,另一侧自然便为远景了。可倘若如此,画家们就没法画画了。所以,山水之法中的关键处,并非是目之所及的“真山”,这里所循的不是视觉上的规律。透视法不是山水画的要害,不是画家们加以世界观造的要旨。换言之,山水之法真正在意的,不是视觉呈现,而是超出由感觉到理性这一认知法则之外的东西。中国山水有着别样的追求。



那么,何为“真山水”呢?郭熙说:“真山水之川谷,远望之以取其势,近看之以取其质。”取势和取质,才是“观物取象”的根本。



在古人看来,人们常说的山水,并非是静止摆置在那里的山和水。“山者,宣也”,“宣气散,生万物”(《说文》)。山乃宣发地气之所,是大地生命律动之源。唯有借助高山,地气才能得以生发,散及四方,万物才能得以促生和滋养。王充说:“万物之生,俱得一气”(《论衡·齐世篇》),何休说:“元者,气也。无形以起, 有形以分,造起天地,天地之始也”(《春秋公羊传注疏》)。天地以气造物,其中, 山是原动性的,其宣发积聚之气,生动蒸腾之气,总是在无形的、无尽的千变万化中,初始形塑了天下万物。气为生气,最为混沌自然,也藏于万物中,成为一种原始的生命力。换个角度看,万物只有扎根于山石之中,才能吐故纳新,休养生息。物乃气之所生,人亦如此:画中人如此,画者亦如此。故荆浩说:“气者,心随笔运,取象不惑。”[1]



物与人,画面与画者,都有着生命勃发律动的过程。荆浩说得很明确:“山水之象,气势相生。”山水不离,自有其道理。山主生,为升势,乃万物之本源。相对而言,“水者,准也”(《说文》)。所谓“水准”,亦有“水平”之意。段注:“天下莫平于水,故匠人建国必水地。”“盛德在水。”段玉裁的这种说法,是符合老子“上善若水,水善利万物而不争”的意思的,也与儒家“人性之善也,犹水之就下也。人无有不善,水无有不下”(《孟子·告子上》)的说法相合。由此看来,相对于山,水则主德,为平势、和势。



这里所说的势,即指气的存在形式和运动轨迹。气的汇聚,是势的活力呈现,气的流变,是势得以运转的力度和方向。元人陈绎曾《翰林要诀》有云:“势, 形不变而势所趋背,各有情态,以一为主而七面之势倾向之也。”山水之势,在开散与聚合之中,起承转合,趋背各异,从而展现出各种物象的不同情态,以及潜在的发展路向。因而,势是潜能,无论物或人,都蕴藏着其能动的将来形态。势的存在,本质而言是通过时间来展露可能的空间,即一系列运动的、连续的可能性,仿佛云雾的动态过程,此时有形,顷刻即可化为无形,或是任何别的形状。[2]王微在《叙画》中说:“夫言绘画者,竟求容势而已。”势是气韵的表现,且万物皆有生动之处:山有势,水有势,树有势,人亦有势。画论中常有“形”与“无形”、“似” 与“不似”的讨论,道理便在此处。有形者,只有空间,没有时间;相似者,有形而无势。荆浩说过:“似者,得其形,遗其气。”山水之象,过于逼真,反倒失了生气。在诸物的呈现中,要因势利导,形随势变,方为自然造化。



《早春图》中便可看到,山水物象,皆是由“气”所生发的,由“势”来开展的。气因势而成形,势因气而无常形。所谓“气势相生”,说的就是画面之中,万物生机勃勃,画者亦随之性生情动,象之心物两造交相互动,共同生发的状态。山有脉动,水有流转,石有沉重,树有争荣……如遇随形,气象万千。



从细部看,《早春图》的远望之势,可从山水的开合升降入手来理解。首先, 主峰立于远处的中轴位置,近处则是层层叠叠的丘状圆岗,依然守踞于中轴线上, 随地脉盘旋而上,向主峰渐次推进,至近峰,再右转升至山峦耸立的侧峰,跨过山崖再回到中轴线上,继续蜿蜒曲折而上,最终达至主峰,并徐徐右转,最终湮没于云雾里。在画面整体的局势中,如同西方绘画中的视平线起到的位置作用一样, 中轴线似乎是《早春图》的基础坐标,圆岗、岗上长松、近峰及主峰,连同与此关联的侧木、侧岗、侧峰,沿着四、五道S 线攀缘爬升,形成了最为明确的中央布局,主势逶迤雄壮,大有千回百转、气吞山河之势。




《早春图》中轴山势



中轴线两侧,亦构成两支山势系统。左侧近处为巨石构筑的山岗,桃状堆积, 亦有小S 线累进,浑圆见峰,向左侧边界延展。画家并未直接呈现山石延展的高度,但从边界切出的几棵苍松及上方枝叶来看,左侧峰岭的位置是不低的,与主峰和侧峰之间形成了一条延展向上的切线,遥相呼应。中轴右侧的布局与左侧大有不同,近处依然是取势各异的圆岗,随后向右延展,越过峡谷瀑布,再形成一丛山岭,岭上苍松交错而立,寒枝随处铺展。最后,整体山势再跨出峡谷,越出楼阁,崖壁突然临现,远处群峰横置成一条平线,背后云雾茫茫,皆不可见。但从主峰和侧峰彼此的向势看,两者或断或接,似有关联。从纵向的三条系统来看,中轴主峰在位置上由近及远、由低到高的逻辑关系是最为明确的,交代得最为清楚,而两侧山势则皆由实转虚,由显到隐,既起到了拱卫主峰的作用,又各自守成,有着不同的结构和运势。




《早春图》两侧山势



从总体看,整幅画面的三条山势,回应了王维的画诀:“定宾主之朝揖,列群峰之威仪。多则乱,少则慢,不多不少,要分远近。”主峰尊居中位,侧峰协立两旁,各自成系,且彼此通连,俨然是一个大写的“山”字,《林泉高致》提及的“相法”,便在此处。同理,笔画之象与图画之象亦于此处结合,我们也就此明白,所谓“山如山、气如气、形如形,皆画之椎论”的意思所在。如果再细致研究一下山势布局,会进一步发现,三条纵向系统就结构而言,皆为三段,各自形成了层层递进的关系。由此,整个画面横纵区隔,恰好三三得九,纵为三三,横亦为三三。横向来看,三层布局中的每一层也同样构造完整。第一层,近处三重圆岗,结体清晰,分布得当,像个大大的“品”字,但因圆岗之间存在明确的连接关系,故实则为“山”字;第二层,主峰前的近峰,左侧桃状山岗及右侧一丛山岭,又因明确的连理关系,形成了一个“山”字,横置于画面中间;第三层,主峰与右侧群峰, 以及左侧仅由树木枝叶表征的峰峦,三者再次构成了一个“山”字。由此,三山叠合,构筑了大写的“山”字及山形,步步婉转递进、层层曲折攀升,充分证明了“先定气势,次分间架”(王原祁《论画十则》)的造势之理。




《早春图》三个“山”字势



山势如此,水势也是当然。画面上方主峰两侧,左侧是平远河谷,淡雾弥漫其间,层层漫坡中,远山浮现。河谷之中,水流沿地势逐级而下,由远及近,先形成一叠瀑布,于石间流下,待到主峰脚下再成一叠,在近峰与两旁山岭构成的二层空间处,通往主峰的路桥下形成三叠,到了最后,在山势布局的近景与中景之交汇处,形成第四叠双瀑,汇入水泊。这四叠瀑布,恰好对三层山势做了更为清晰的界定和交代,四次落差,恰好对应着自远山到主峰、近峰,再到近处圆岗的高低错落。在左侧水势中,水依山形,汩汩而流,或漫于谷地,或直流桥下,或淙淙作响,或涓涓而过。相比而言,画面右侧的水势却迥然不同。主峰与近峰之间,一条白带倏然涌出,飞流直下,跌入近峰与群峦之间的山涧之中。此处的山势,丛峰壁立,断崖深谷,水借山势,积聚着强大的动能,激流飞溅。紧接着,流水不断冲刷着岩壁巨石,形成三叠急流,径直向下,汇入水泊。由此可见,在整幅画面中,两端的水势形成了明显的对比,一缓一促,一柔一刚,一曲一直,相互照应,变幻无穷。[3]




《早春图》水势:“水”字势



《林泉高致》中说:“山以水为血脉……故山得水而活。”山水两势,本为一势。水因山而有形,山因水而有体,水源于山,山养于水。山为宣气之地,水为降平之所,山取上升之势,水取下降之势。山在高,在于伸张,水在平,在于收敛,山水相生相容,才会有大千世界。《早春图》中,山势以主峰为首,端居于中轴上方,而两侧的水流最终汇入的湖泊,则是位于画面底端,平静如面,除了与堤岸激起的波纹外,则是空白一片。



对于全幅画作来说,若“远望之以取其势”,那么,山势必起于主峰,水势则收于平湖,纵与横,高与低,远与近,动与静之间反差互补,构成了画面的结构化的全势。两侧的水流由主峰分离,逐级曲折落降,最终汇入一处,恰好也构成了一个“水”字。由此,“山”“水”相嵌,一气贯通,“置陈布势”方得以完成。



说到此,还是要提醒大家不要忘记,山水之势,是一种远望的体会。对于壁画、屏画和立轴来说,由于宫殿和和厅堂的具体空间布置等关系,一般而言都是以先远望、后近观的次序来品鉴的。[4]郭熙关于远势与近质的讲法,在更早的荆浩看来,与体用之理有关。他讲到:“学者初入艰难,必要先知体用之理,方有规矩。其体者,乃描写形势骨格之法也。运于胸次,意在笔先。远则取其势,近则取其质。”(《画山水赋》)由此来看,画者着意,以意带笔,首先要识得山水之象的大体,有了体,“笔墨虚皴之法”才有了用武之地。远取势、近取质是其中两个最为本质的环节。取势与布势,可以造就整个画面的气势、气象和气局,山水中的生命律动和阴阳转化得以达成。




五代   荆浩   匡庐图   轴
纵185.8厘米   横106.8厘米
绢本水墨   台北故宫博物院   



不过,荆浩更要强调的是:“势有形格,有骨格,亦无定质。”势总是在形态流变中,不能单纯决定物象的完整本体,每个物象还需要自身独特的本质加以呈现,得以化成。势是气势,质是性质。人之性,即是生之质,同样,物之性,也是生之质。质为朴也,指的便是每种事物本来具有的样子,每个事物本身具有的性质。万物各有不同,人亦互有差异,画也每有殊分。势,是大局观,代替不了每个物象本身的特质,而每个物象,虽然有各自的文理,却需要气势来带动和转化,在朝暮与四季里,在不同的地理、方位和气候中,都会呈现出纷繁复杂的样貌来。



郭熙数次谈到上述条件所影响到的势与质之关系的问题,如:



真山水之云气,四时不同:春融怡,夏蓊郁,秋疎薄,冬黯淡。……真山水之烟岚,四时不同:春山淡冶而如笑,夏山苍翠而如滴,秋山明净而如妆,冬山惨淡而如睡。



一山而兼数十百山之意态,可得不究乎?春山烟云连绵人欣欣,夏山嘉木繁阴人坦坦,秋山明净摇落人肃肃,冬山昏霾翳塞人寂寂。



“四时之景不同”,物象也是气势有别,形态各异,而作画和观画之人内心的观感和性情,也随之起落沉浮,畅神而感怀。



同样,在地理上,东南之山与西北之山也有着明显的差别。东南地势低,雨水足,众流交汇;西北地势高,雨水少,水流常常出于山岗陇原深处。东南地薄水浅, 多出奇峰峭壁,直冲霄汉,瀑布垂挂千丈,飞泻于云霞之外;西北地厚水深,多见山丘堆阜,连绵不绝,大山顶盖雄浑,山脉逶迤千里,耸拔于旷野之中。因而,“ 东南之山多奇秀”,“西北之山多浑厚”,即便是东南也有浑厚者,“亦多出地上而非地中也”;纵然西北偶有峭拔者,“亦多出地中而非地上也”。



郭熙说,天地并没有天然地偏爱哪个区域、哪种类型的山水,“嵩山多好溪, 华山多好峰,衡山多好别岫,常山多好列岫,泰山特好主峰,天台、武夷、庐、霍、雁荡、岷、峨、巫峡、天坛、王屋、林庐、武当,皆天下名山巨镇,天地宝藏所出, 仙圣窟宅所隐,奇崛神秀,莫可穷其要妙”,这些都是天造地设的产物,自在之然, 造化之功,哪能有所偏私呢!唯一的办法,便是“饱游饫看”,遍览游观,“历历罗列于胸中”。



《早春图》中的天时与地利,自然也有着独特的质朴之性。我们无法从文献中寻得证据,来说明图中的山水之象有何地理方位上的具体所指,但从他出身于太行山区的河阳温县,以及大致的创作经历来看,北方山水的特征还是比较明显的。高山深壑,大开大合,是《早春图》的体质。众山石质坚硬、扭结、卷曲,“石如云动”,这是郭熙从李成那里学来的笔法。在《林泉高致》的分类里,图中石山,不属于“土山戴石”一类,而是“石山戴土”,具有“林木肥茂”的特点。同样,在“木有在石”和“木有在水”的不同类型中,画中的松乔,则是明显在石状态,随山势而立,高耸挺拔,根深叶茂。“在山者,土厚之处,有千尺之松。”近处圆岗之上, 几株长松姿态各异,或苍劲顶立,或虬曲折腰。两侧峰岭亦石枯松老,一片萧疏之境。




《早春图》细部



《早春图》的景致,与《林泉高致》的很多讲法同出一辙:“水有流水,石有盘石;水有瀑布,石有怪石。瀑布练飞于林表,怪石虎蹲于路隅”。前两句,恰与主峰两侧的水流呈现暗合,后两句,则与几处细部高度一致。更值得注意的是,在水木山石的处理上,郭熙又将南北山水各自的特色兼容于一张画面上。主峰盘旋而上,秀丽而厚重,两边的侧岭,或是森然峭壁,或是敦厚圆丘;两侧水流亦如此, 一侧众流交汇于地表,一侧瀑布飞泻于云霞;水木山石彼此上下启承,左右倚据, 将众山之象揽于一山之中,一气通贯,可谓绝矣!



此图最为关键之处,便在“早春”二字。从时令和节气上说,所谓早春,正处在冬春两季交替时节,乍暖乍寒中,天地依然凝冷沉重,万物则刚刚苏醒,待机而发。白居易就曾以《早春》为题写到:“雪散因和气,冰开得暖光。春销不得处, 唯有鬓边霜。”这样的体味是非常复杂的:寒冬将过,暖春未到,一切都在等待之中,却迟迟不来,耗了光阴。早春时节,总是在昏沉与清朗之间,“欣欣”与“寂寂”同在,黯淡中含怡而笑,如睡梦方醒,依然空白。



郭熙对早春山水的气势和质性把握得极其精到:山石沉冷有力,却曲折突进, 昂首上扬,一派峥嵘之势;水流突破了冰封,或平淌,或下泻,暗藏着春机。特别是林木的表达,更是早春的征兆。圆岗上的双松,如“宗老”般,堂堂伫立,所谓“长松亭亭为众木之表,所以分布以次藤萝草木,为振挈依附之师帅也”。长松左侧,一株阔叶绿树,偃卧低垂,伸向水泊,枝叶繁密舒展,恰好与双松劲拔的骨骼相映照。长松背后,分列两株低矮的枯松和干裂的枯木,一左一右,死寂沉沉,充满寒意。在近景中,圆岗上方和右侧,数棵干木寒枝向右倾斜俯倒,尚未发苞绽芽,枝桠碎枝像蟹爪一样张开,有些密密地垂挂着干枯的藤萝,似乎还存留着秋天肃杀的意象。由此,近景林木的布置,以双松为核心向着周边辐射,淹没于云雾之中。在中景中,苍松、枯木和绿树相互交错在一起,依山势生长和延伸,倾斜的角度却与近景恰好相反,左侧右倾,右侧左倾,由边缘向中心靠拢,主次与轻重、高低与前后、曲直与浓淡相互映衬,形成了一种向着居于中央的双松不断积聚的态势。远处,主峰和侧岭,以及深远的山谷里山脚、山腰及山顶,亦相应地做了长与短、干与湿、直与曲、枯与荣的不同程度的点缀,峰角处则用长条苔点匀落布施,清朗华秀,生机无限。




《早春图》树势分析图




《早春图》林木布置分析图



可以说,早春的意象有其矛盾之处,但也因如此,才蕴涵着最为丰富的人情和天机。冬春之交,乍暖还寒,天地轮转,充满了不确定性。而这种不确定的状态, 恰恰也是生命周而复始的契机,是自然造化的表现。天地之间,生气宣发,最重要的山水之象莫过于明晦不分的烟云雾霭:从地出,与天接,山水由此相容,草木由此重生。郭熙说:“山无烟云,如春无花草。”只有烟云,才能将山水之大物融汇、充盈于整个世界之中,延展为无限。只有烟云,才能将实体置于虚空,或伴或随, 或遮或掩。因而,只有烟云,才能成为山水的灵魂。



早春天气,春寒料峭之时,云是淡的,雾是低的,雾气中有水气,水气中有寒气,因而近景中,只有在湖面与堤岩接触处,才有一层浅淡的水气慢慢浮动起来。不过,随着画面推向远处,在近峰与主峰、主峰与侧岭之间,在左侧山谷深处,则是浓厚的云雾生发蒸腾,将峰峦中下部重重淹没,产生了“云深不知处”的迷幻效果。正如《林泉高致·画诀》关于画题的讨论中所讲,“云横谷口”“云出岩间”, 惟有在高山峡谷处,云层最厚,云势最强。郭熙说:“山欲高,尽出之则不高,烟霞锁其腰,则高矣。”烟云雾霭之积聚和流动,可以产生特别的心理效应,山峰不知根底,才会让人感觉到高不胜高。同样,在画面右侧的平远河谷那边,因地势舒缓开阔,云雾易于蒸发扩散,山谷中的层层漫坡便显得清晰可见,进而可以推进到极远的深度。不过,到了最后,两座远山再次陷入到厚重的云雾之中,仅露出顶峰的轮廓,冲融消散,这便是平远的意境了。



“山以水为血脉,以草木为毛发,以烟云为神彩。故山得水而活,得草木而华, 得烟云而秀媚。”山水有势,亦有质,山水有体,亦有神,山水为天地造设,也滋养了松石草木、世间万物。郭熙拿山水比人,不过是告诉我们,只有人意在,气韵才能生动起来。






[1] 荆浩指出的“六要”:气,韵,思,景,笔,墨,气为最先。见《笔法记》。
[2] 沈宗骞说过:“万物不一状,万变不一相,总之统乎气以呈其活动之趣者,是即所谓势也。”见《芥舟学画编》。
[3] 对于《早春图》的对称布局及其形成的律动和秩序关系,研究上亦可参见:Stanley Murashige,“ Rhythm, Order, Change, and Nature in GuoXi ’s Ear ly Spring”, Monumenta Serica, vol.43 (1995), pp.337-364.
[4] 参见扬之水:《终朝采蓝》,生活·读书·新知三联书店,2008 年。

奥尔巴赫:语文学与世界文学

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