Wednesday, January 31, 2024

“If there is a God, then anything is permitted”: On Dostoevsky, freedom, and religious violence

“If there is a God, then anything is permitted”: On Dostoevsky, freedom, and religious violence - ABC Religion & Ethics

ABC.net.au · by Slavoj Žižek · January 22, 2024
opinion
Posted updated 
According to Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Žižek, most people today are spontaneously moral, and the idea of torturing or killing another human being is repulsive to them — in order to make them do it, some “sacred” Cause is needed which makes their concerns about violence seem trivial. (Jeff Vespa / Contributor / WireImage / Getty Images)
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Although the statement “If there is no God, everything is permitted” is widely attributed to Dostoevsky’s The Brothers Karamazov — Jean-Paul Sartre was the first to do so in his Being and Nothingness — the nineteenth-century Russian novelist simply never said it. The closest one gets to this infamous aphorism are a hand-full of approximations, like Dmitri’s claim from his debate with Rakitin (as he reports it to Alyosha):

“But what will become of men then?” I asked him, “without God and immortal life? All things are permitted then, they can do what they like?”

But the very fact that this misattribution has persisted for decades demonstrates that, even if factually incorrect, it nonetheless hits a nerve in our ideological edifice. No wonder conservatives like to evoke it whenever there are scandals among the atheist-hedonist elite: from millions killed in gulags to gay marriage, this is where we end up if we deny transcendental authority as an absolute limit to all human endeavours.

Without such transcendental limits — so the story goes — there is nothing ultimately to prevent us from ruthlessly exploiting our neighbours, using them as tools for profit and pleasure, or enslaving, humiliating and killing them in their millions. All that stands between us and this moral vacuum, in the absence of a transcendental limit, are those self-imposed limitations and arbitrary “pacts among wolves” made in the interest of one’s survival and temporary well-being, but which can be violated at any moment. But are things really like that?

Prohibited pleasures

It is well-known that Jacques Lacan claimed that the psychoanalytic practice inverts Dostoevsky’s dictum: “If there is no God, then everything is prohibited.” This reversal, of course, runs contrary to moral common sense. So, for example, in an otherwise sympathetic review of a book on Lacan, a Slovene Leftist daily newspaper rendered Lacan’s version as: “Even if there is no God, not everything is permitted!” — a benevolent vulgarity, changing Lacan’s provocative reversal into a modest assurance that even we godless atheists respect some ethical limits.

However, even if Lacan’s inversion appears to be an empty paradox, a quick look at our moral landscape confirms that it is a much more appropriate description of the atheist liberal/hedonist behaviour: they dedicate their life to the pursuit of pleasures, but since there is no external authority which would guarantee them personal space for this pursuit, they get entangled in a thick network of self-imposed “politically correct” regulations, as if they are answerable to a superego far more severe than that of the traditional morality.

They thus become obsessed with the concern that, in pursuing their pleasures, they may violate the space of others, and so regulate their behaviour by adopting detailed prescriptions about how to avoid “harassing” others, along with the no less complex regime of the care-of-the-self (physical fitness, health food, spiritual relaxation, and so on). Today, it turns out, nothing is more oppressively regulated than being a simple hedonist.

“For good people to do evil things …”

But there is a second observation, strictly correlative to the first, here to be made: it is for those who refer to “god” in a brutally direct way, perceiving themselves as instruments of his will, that everything is permitted. These are, of course, the so-called fundamentalists who practice a perverted version of what Søren Kierkegaard called “the religious suspension of the ethical”.

So why are we witnessing the rise of religiously or ethnically justified violence today? Precisely because we live in an era which perceives itself as post-ideological. Since great public causes can no longer be mobilised as the basis of mass violence — in other words, since the hegemonic ideology enjoins us to enjoy life and to realise our truest selves — it is almost impossible for the majority of people to overcome their revulsion at the prospect of killing another human being.

Most people today are spontaneously moral: the idea of torturing or killing another human being is deeply traumatic for them. In order to make them do it, a larger “sacred” Cause is needed — something that makes petty individual concerns about killing seem trivial. Religion or ethnic belonging fit this role perfectly.

There are, of course, cases of pathological atheists who are able to commit mass murder just for pleasure, just for the sake of it, but they are rare exceptions. The majority needs to be anaesthetised against their elementary sensitivity to another's suffering. For this, a sacred Cause is needed: without this Cause, we would have to feel all the burden of what we did, with no Absolute on whom to put the ultimate responsibility.

Religious ideologists usually claim that, true or not, religion makes some otherwise bad people to do some good things. From today’s experience, however, one should rather stick to Steven Weinberg’s claim:

With or without religion, you would have good people doing good things and evil people doing evil things. But for good people to do evil things, that takes religion.

No less important, the same also seems to hold for the display of so-called “human weaknesses”. Isolated extreme forms of sexuality among godless hedonists are immediately elevated into representative symbols of the depravity of the godless, while any questioning of, say, the link between the more pronounced phenomenon of clerical paedophilia and the Church as institution is rejected as anti-religious slander. The well-documented story of how the Catholic Church has protected paedophiles in its own ranks is another good example of how if god does exist, then everything is permitted. What makes this protective attitude towards paedophiles so disgusting is that it is not practised by permissive hedonists, but by the very institution which poses as the moral guardian of society.

“The god that failed”

But what about the Stalinist Communist mass killings? What about the extra-legal liquidations of the nameless millions? It is easy to see how these crimes were always justified by their own ersatz-god — a “god that failed” as Ignazio Silone, one of the great disappointed ex-Communists, called it. They had their own god, which is why everything was permitted to them.

In other words, the same logic as that of religious violence applies here. Stalinist Communists do not perceive themselves as hedonist individualists abandoned to their freedom. Rather, they perceive themselves as instruments of historical progress, of a necessity which pushes humanity towards the “higher” stage of Communism — and it is this reference to their own Absolute (and to their privileged relationship to it) which permits them to do whatever they want.

This is why, as soon as cracks appear in this ideological protective shield, the weight of what they did became unbearable to many individual Communists, because they have to confront their acts as their own, without any alibi in a higher “Logic of History”. This is also why, after Nikita Khrushchev’s 1956 speech denouncing Stalin’s crimes and “cult of personality”, many cadres committed suicide: they did not learn anything new during that speech, all the facts were more or less known to them; they were simply deprived of the historical legitimisation of their crimes in the Communist historical Absolute.

Stalinism — and, to a greater extent, Fascism — adds another perverse twist to this logic: in order to justify their ruthless exercise of power and violence, they not only had to elevate their own role into that of an instrument of the Absolute, they also had to demonise their opponents, to portray them as corruption and decadence personified.

For the Nazis, every phenomenon of depravity was immediately elevated into a symbol of Jewish degeneration, the continuity between financial speculation, anti-militarism, cultural modernism, sexual freedom and so on, was immediately asserted, since they were all perceived as emanating from the same Jewish essence, the same half-invisible agency which secretly controlled society. Such a demonisation had a precise strategic function: it justified the Nazis to do whatever they wanted, since against such an enemy, everything is permitted, because we live in a permanent state of emergency.

“Love God and do as you please”

One should not overlook the ultimate irony: although many of those who deplore the disintegration of transcendental limits present themselves as Christians, the longing for a new transcendental limit — for a divine agent positing such a limit — is profoundly non-Christian. The Christian God is not a transcendent God of limitations, but the God of immanent love: God, after all, is love who is present when there is love between his followers.

No wonder, then, that Lacan’s reversal — “If there is a God, then everything is permitted!” — is openly asserted by some Christians, as a consequence of the Christian notion of the overcoming of the prohibitive Law in love: if you dwell in divine love, then you do not need prohibitions; you can do whatever you want, since, if you really dwell in divine love, you would never want to do something evil.

This formula of the “fundamentalist” religious suspension of the ethical was already proposed by Augustine who wrote, “Love God and do as you please” (or, in another version, "Love, and do whatever you want" — from the Christian perspective, the two ultimately amount to the same, since God is love). The catch, of course, is that, if you really love God, you will want what he wants — what pleases him will please you, and what displeases him will make you miserable. So it is not that you can just “do whatever you want”: your love for God, if authentic, guarantees that, in what you want to do, you will follow the highest ethical standards.

It is a rather like the proverbial joke, “My fiancée is never late for an appointment, because when she is late, she is no longer my fiancée.” If you love God, you can do whatever you want, because when you do something evil, this is in itself proof that you do not really love God. However, the ambiguity persists, because there is no guarantee, external to your belief, of what God really wants you to do — in the absence of any ethical standards external to your belief in and love for God, the danger is always lurking that you will use your love of God as the legitimisation of the most horrible deeds.

The heavy burden of freedom

When Dostoevsky proposed a line of thought along the lines of “If there is no God, then everything is permitted”, he is in no way simply warning against limitless freedom — that is, evoking God as the agency of a transcendent prohibition which limits human freedom: in a society run by the Inquisition, everything is definitely not permitted, since God here operates as a higher power constraining our freedom, not as the source of freedom. The whole point of Dostoevsky’s Parable of the Grand Inquisitor is precisely that such a society obliterates the very message of Christ: if Christ were to return to this society, he would have been burned as a deadly threat to public order and happiness, since he brought to the people the gift of freedom and responsibility — a gift which turns out to be a heavy burden.

The implicit claim that “If there is no God, then everything is permitted” is thus much more ambiguous than it appears. So it is well worth taking a closer look at this part of The Brothers Karamazov — in particular, the long conversation in Book Five between Ivan and Alyosha. Ivan tells Alyosha an imagined story about the Grand Inquisitor. Christ comes back to earth in Seville at the time of the Inquisition. After he performs a number of miracles, the people recognise him and adore him, but he is arrested by inquisition and sentenced to be burned to death the next day.

The Grand Inquisitor visits Jesus in his cell to tell him that the Church no longer needs him: his return would interfere with the mission of the Church, which is to bring people happiness. Christ has misjudged human nature: the vast majority of humanity cannot handle the freedom which he has given them — in other words, in giving humans freedom to choose, Jesus has excluded the majority of humanity from redemption and doomed it to suffer.

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In order to bring people happiness, the Inquisitor and the Church thus follow “the wise spirit, the dread spirit of death and destruction” — which is to say, the devil — who alone can provide the tools to end all human suffering and unite under the banner of the Church. The multitude should be guided by the few who are strong enough to take on the burden of freedom; only in this way will all mankind live and die happily in ignorance. These few who are strong enough to assume the burden of freedom are the true self-martyrs, dedicating their lives to keep choice from humanity.

This is why Christ was wrong to reject the devil’s temptation to turn stones into bread: men will always follow those who will feed their bellies. Christ rejected this temptation by saying “Man cannot live on bread alone”, ignoring the wisdom which tells us: “Feed men, and then ask of them virtue!” Instead of answering the Inquisitor, Christ, who has been silent throughout, kisses him on his lips. Shocked, the Inquisitor releases Christ but tells him never to return. Alyosha responds to the tale by repeating Christ’s gesture: he also gives Ivan a soft kiss on the lips.

The point of the story is not simply to attack the Church and advocate the return to full freedom given to us by Christ. Dostoevsky himself could not come up with a straight answer. One should bear in mind that the Parable of the Grand Inquisitor belong to a larger argumentative context which begins with Ivan’s evocation of God’s cruelty and indifference towards human suffering, referring to the lines from the book of Job (9:22-24):

He destroys the guiltless and the wicked. If the scourge kills suddenly, He mocks the despair of the innocent. The earth is given into the hand of the wicked; He covers the faces of its judges. If it is not He, then who is it?

Alyosha’s counterargument is that all that Ivan has shown is why the question of suffering cannot be answered with only God the Father. But we are not Jews or Muslims, we have God the Son, Alyosha adds, and so Ivan’s argument actually strengthens Christian, as opposed to merely theistic, belief: Christ “can forgive everything, all and for all, because He gave his innocent blood for all and everything”. It is as a reply to this evocation of Christ — the passage from Father to Son — that Ivan presents his Parable of the Grand Inquisitor. And although there is no direct reply to it, one can claim that the implicit solution is the Holy Spirit: a radically egalitarian responsibility of each for all and for each.

One can also argue that the life of the Elder Zosima, which follows almost immediately the chapter on the Grand Inquisitor, is an attempt to answer Ivan’s questions. Zosima, who is on his deathbed, tells how he found his faith in his rebellious youth, in the middle of a duel, and decided to become a monk. Zosima teaches that people must forgive others by acknowledging their own sins and guilt before others: no sin is isolated, so everyone is responsible for their neighbour’s sins.

Is this not Dostoevsky’s version of “If there is no God, then everything is prohibited”? If the gift of Christ is to make us radically free, then this freedom also brings the heavy burden of total responsibility.

Slavoj Žižek is a Hegelian philosopher, a Lacanian psychoanalyst, and a Communist. He is International Director at the Birkbeck Institute for Humanities, University of London, Visiting Professor at New York University, and Senior Researcher at the Department of Philosophy, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia. His most recent books include Too Late to Awaken: What Lies Ahead When There is no Future?Freedom A Disease Without Cure, and Christian Atheism: How to Be a Real Materialist.


In Search of Albertine

 

In Search of Albertine

The feminist afterlives of Proust's iconic character

Victoria Baena

Still from Chantal Akerman's La Captive (2000). Courtesy Collections CINEMATEK - © Fondation Chantal Akerman.

ACROSS THE SEVEN VOLUMES of Marcel Proust’s In Search of Lost Time, one name appears more than any other: Albertine. The nearly nameless narrator-hero (for simplicity’s sake, we can call him “Marcel”) adores, envies, mistrusts, grows bored by, and fantasizes about his beloved by turns. Albertine evades all manner of endeavors to pin her down. She is stylish, though sometimes gauche; athletic and artsy; well mannered in polite society but slangy and brash around her friends. She may desire women more than she can ever love him. Fittingly, the narrator tends to describe her in metonymies—patches and parts. Her face is a sealed envelope, her eyes a polished agate, her cheek as clear as a stone turned pink granite in the light of the winter’s sun. Her eyelids are like curtains that block out the view of the sea. Long before she finally abandons him, he thinks of her as a “creature of flight.”

Marcel’s ambivalent pursuit and Albertine’s ambiguous self-making have provided both model and foil for a century of artists working in a feminist vein, each of whom has been drawn in her own way to the fugitive figure. Albertine is the subject of Jacqueline Rose’s only novel; she has inspired a chapbook by Anne Carson (The Albertine Workout) and a film by Chantal Akerman (La Captive), the latter of which is the subject of a book-length essay by Christine Smallwood to be published by Fireflies Press in March. On Manhattan’s Upper East Side, a bookstore run by the French Embassy bears her name. In the 2020 documentary Le Temps Perdu, Argentine director María Álvarez follows a Proust reading group of long standing made up of elderly regulars at a Buenos Aires café. As one of them repeatedly mentions, it was his daughter who founded the group. This divine architect remains offscreen: we are told only her name—Albertina.

In Proust, Marcel’s fantasies about Albertine conscript her into an archetypically patriarchal relationship, making her a muse for his art. Marcel’s own self-doubt is only exacerbated by Albertine’s alluring, and galling, opacity. Some rewritings have therefore reflected on the power dynamics at play in the pair, adopting Marcel’s perspective in order to explore and expose the relation between surveillance, voyeurism, and authorship. Others seek to fill in the lines of Albertine’s character, following a revisionist tradition of recentering women who had previously been consigned to the sidelines of history or the margins of literature.

The person and the name, the blurred body and the silhouette—the logic of the close-up and that of the aerial shot—never coincide.

And yet, Albertine’s original depiction throughout In Search of Lost Time invites and authorizes these latter-day reworkings. Albertine dexterously manages what Proust calls the “social kaleidoscope,” with its endless inversions in status and destiny. Dependent and precarious, she manages to claw her way into upper-crust Parisian society on the sheer strength of her glamour and charm. By constructing her own mythology, and especially by refusing to let her lover (and readers) in, she makes her own life a work of art.

Proust’s fiction is generally obsessed with the connection between desire and knowledge. But the relationship between the two more often than not is an inverse one: “We only love what we do not wholly possess.” By making at once an aesthetics and an erotics out of evasion, In Search of Lost Time forged an enduring model, explored and interrogated even in later works that do not explicitly cite Albertine. One can catch glimpses of her, for instance, in the novels of Elena Ferrante, which recast the dance between captor and escapee as a game that takes place between women. Proust’s fugitive today travels under other aliases. Turn away an instant, and she might disappear.

WHEN WE FIRST meet Albertine, she is a dark-haired, polo-cap-wearing orphan, one of several “young girls in flower” that Marcel spies on from afar as she wheels her bicycle down the beach at Balbec. Though he has heard talk about the “famous” Albertine, he might yet grow attached to any other member of her “little band.” In any case he is still (if only intermittently) in love with someone else.

At Balbec Albertine is a flat “silhouette, projected against the waves.” Little by little, she sharpens into focus. It is only in the novel’s fifth and sixth volumes, when Marcel manages to lure her into virtual hostage at his family home in Paris, that Albertine will take center stage as an object of his possessiveness and desire. These volumes were not included in Proust’s original plan for his multi-part novel, nor were they fully completed at the time of his death. In the French Pléiade edition they are entitled La Prisonnière and Albertine disparue (“Albertine gone,” or more literally “disappeared”); Proust’s original name for the latter was La Fugitive.

Last February, Yale University Press reissued the Albertine volumes together in a satisfyingly Latinate diptych as The Captive and The Fugitive. YUP’s revised and annotated version of Proust’s novel, edited by William C. Carter, began with the 2013 republication of the first volume, Swann’s Way, on the centenary of Du côté de chez Swann. The series is based on the mammoth labor of love undertaken by Proust’s first English translator, C. K. Scott Moncrieff, who died before finishing the final volume. Proust was appalled when he learned that Scott Moncrieff had chosen to render A La Recherche du Temps Perdu as Remembrance of Things Past, an allusion to Shakespeare that seemed to disregard the admixture of discovery, reflection, and even chance at play in his theory of involuntary memory. In this case Carter has parted ways with his precursor, opting for the now widely used In Search of Lost Time.

Scott Moncrieff ’s English is notoriously ornate, but one virtue of these editions is the way they capture the many echoes of style and syntax across the novel’s long sweep. Not only memories but specific phrases and images recur, sometimes at a distance of many hundreds of pages. In the Carter-Scott Moncrieff volumes, as in the original French, the adjective fugitive resonates with increasing complexity. It describes Albertine’s desires (“alternative, fugitive, often contradictory”) as well as Marcel’s pleasure (“fugitive and fragmentary”) at knowing where Albertine is to be found. It describes, too, his disturbed response to seeing her own pleasurable expression—“fugitive and fixed” and, he fears, equally erotic—as she watches other young girls at play. (By contrast, in opting for “elusive” or “fleeting” at turns, Carol Clark’s often excellent 2002 translation The Prisoner misses such subtle anticipations, in Proust’s very language, of the woman in flight.)

Throughout La Prisonnière, that flight risk is dramatized through surveillance as well as creative control. Marcel’s metaphors accumulate as he watches Albertine sleep and listens to her breathe, comparing her to a plant, to a breeze, to boats oscillating atop waves. His admiration leads to the “less pure” pleasure of masturbating before the sleeping Albertine. When he awakens each morning, she “slide[s] her tongue between my lips like a portion of daily bread.”

In Proust, however, Marcel’s physical pleasures ultimately remain secondary to an epistemological drive. If he only keeps watch over Albertine, he convinces himself, she will be understood, made rational, become known. The moments in which Albertine is asleep are safe for both of them. He doesn’t have to fear her leaving, and she doesn’t have to watch him watching her.

CHANTAL AKERMAN’S 2000 film La Captive picks up on the Proustian tension between possession, desire, and escape, as it whittles down Proust’s multipart spectacle into a sparer set of coordinates. Set in contemporary Paris, the film highlights the doomed obsession of its protagonist, Simon (Stanislas Merhar), with Ariane (Sylvie Testud), as he begins to suspect that his lover is carrying on an affair with a female opera singer. In Akerman, as in Proust, the Albertine avatar remains both surveilled and in important ways unseen. Akerman’s bourgeois interiors and sumptuous costumes, spliced with Hitchcockian scenes of Simon’s shadowing of Ariane through the streets of Paris, imply that the kept woman, especially one so at risk of escape, is a particularly valuable commodity.

Akerman was originally prejudiced against adaptation, as Christine Smallwood explains in her thoughtful rereading of the film. But Akerman was drawn to “that apartment, and the corridor, and the two characters.” La Captive experiments with the scopophilic affordances of Marcel’s obsession, a “pleasure in looking” that, since Laura Mulvey, it has become almost too easy to call the male gaze. But in Proust, looking is never simple. People and places often fail to live up to their initial allure. After the Albertine plot comes to an end, when Marcel finally learns what he believes to be the truth about her lesbian experiences, he compares these revelations to the process of getting to know a city, as intimate familiarity begins to replace the view of a skyline seen from afar. The person and the name, the blurred body and the silhouette—the logic of the close-up and that of the aerial shot—never coincide.

For her part, Smallwood transmutes Akerman’s Proust from a case study of elective affinities into a drama of creative frustration. In the course of illuminating the filmmaker’s preoccupations, she renders explicit another of Proust’s themes: that any writer or artist may have to confront a version of Albertine’s challenge to Marcel. In the novel, their entanglement threatens his life’s vocation, as he comes to feel resentful that she has become yet another distraction from the book he’s supposed to be writing. “Had I forfeited something real?” he asks himself. “Could life console me for the loss of art?” Marcel’s problem becomes how to capture Albertine, not only in his home or in his mind but also, eventually, on the page.

What might happen if we gave a separate name to each of our own variable selves—as multiple as the infinite configurations of waves and waters that we so crudely call the sea?

For Smallwood, the agony of authorship is less a philosophical abstraction than a pressing material concern, a quotidian drama of making enough space, money, and time for the work of writing to get done at all. Because Smallwood signed a contract for her book in 2021, she watches Akerman’s La Captive, inevitably, as a quarantine film. Raising two small children in the pandemic era, Smallwood has a different take on the creepiness of Marcel/Simon watching Ariane/Albertine sleep. She, too, is jealous—jealous of Ariane’s ability to sleep on command: “All I want is for the people I live with to sleep when I tell them to sleep.”

In the case of Smallwood’s Akerman’s Proust’s Albertine, sleep isn’t sexualized, and being held captive in a spacious Parisian apartment doesn’t sound so bad to Smallwood after all. As her children keep growing, debts accumulate, and construction continues outside her family’s own apartment—in a part of Brooklyn where they can only afford to live if she starts having more “productive” days—she reads Proustian duration, in Akerman’s film, as giving us “the real time of literary production: the time of frustration, of wanting to write and not writing.” If In Search of Lost Time is a künstlerroman, a novel about becoming an artist, for Smallwood that also makes it a book about procrastination, about everything you do to avoid working. Concerts, parties, holidays, heartsickness, and (for Smallwood if not for Proust or Akerman) raising children: all interfere with the real work of art.

Early on in La Prisonnière, Marcel glimpses a laundress, a baker, and a dairymaid outside his window. Suddenly he is anxious to “go out of doors and, without Albertine, to be free.” Is she being kept captive, or is he the one tethered to her? As Smallwood shows, Akerman responds to this question by seizing and usurping the gaze of the male artist. Her cinematographic techniques play with Marcel’s position as desiring, though never quite achieving, control. Through her reading of Akerman, Smallwood also reflects on Proust’s representation of Albertine as distraction for the stymied artist. Albertine pulls him away from his work for so long that the only possible solution is for her to be folded into his work, for her to become his muse. If Marcel can ever get around to setting pen to paper, it will turn out that the life he’s spent putting off writing has furnished the material about which to write.

DESPITE HER STATUS as creative stimulus, the balance of power between Marcel and Albertine continues to wobble on its axis. Her avian elusiveness, including the mystery of her sexual inclinations, strengthens Albertine’s own hold over Marcel. If Akerman and Smallwood deal with such asymmetry by imagining their way into Marcel’s position, Jacqueline Rose’s 2001 novel, Albertine, finds alternative strategies for resisting the reduction of woman artist to muse.

Rose’s novel moves away from questions of surveillance and control to instead consider the narrative potential of shifting perspective. Albertine is narrated alternately by Albertine and her friend Andrée in a stream-of-consciousness style that replaces Marcel’s musings with their own. Rose’s Albertine is less obedient than Proust’s: she defies her captivity, ignoring Marcel’s asthma as she flings open the window to his stuffy apartment and takes pleasure in gulping in the fresh air. Her love affairs with other women are no longer an ominous prospect but rather a candid fact. And if Proust’s Marcel worries endlessly over what Albertine is thinking, what she’s doing, and where she could be when she isn’t at home, Rose makes short shrift of this problem, wheeling a spotlight into place and training it on the shadowy corners of her heroine’s mind. Her approach aims to render manifest those aspects of a woman’s interior life that in Proust remain latent. An epigraph, taken from his final volume, motivates her rebuttal: “The pages I would write, Albertine . . . would certainly not have understood. Had she been capable of understanding them, she would, for that very reason, not have inspired them.”

Ironically, Rose’s critique is also an extension of Proust’s literary methods. Proust too breaks the diegetic wall. He too muddles the realms of fiction and fact. If Marcel never manages to properly access Albertine’s consciousness, that might be due to the fact that so many Albertines emerge over the course of the novel. Her characteristic beauty spot, in Marcel’s memory, moves from her chin to her upper lip to her cheek. In this case, the instability of memory may be at fault—how little, Proust reflects, we manage to remember details even about those we love best—but in another sense, Albertine really does look and act different from one day to the next. As a testament to her contradictory declarations, her behavior, like her appearance, shifts according to the season, or the weather, or her mood. And yet, the narrator reflects, there is only one name for all those Albertines.

According to the conventions of polite society, each of its members must be tagged, identified, and sorted. Such conventions, which Proust studies with ethnographic precision, keep us rigidly in place. But what might happen if we instead gave a separate name to each of our own variable selves—as multiple as the infinite configurations of waves and waters that we so crudely call the sea? In the gap between Marcel’s frustration and the narrator’s reflection, a new vision of character emerges, less as essentially unknowable than as multiple, variable, and socially formed. Proust’s under-defined portrait of Albertine, that is, leaves room for imaginative revisions of other ways she might be in the world, including the complexly indeterminate, even if more assertive, heroine that emerges from Rose’s Albertine.

ALBERTINE’S DEATH in a horse-riding accident in Proust’s sixth volume, shortly after she has abandoned Marcel, seems to put a definitive end to her flight. Grief, though, can be as inconstant as character. After her death, Marcel recognizes that in time he will come to recall her only intermittently, if at all. He will mourn, that is, not only the disappeared woman but the very acuteness of the fact she is gone.

In the history of Proust criticism, some have sought to account for Albertine’s appeal by taking cover under the presumably safer shelter of her author’s biography. According to what is known as the “transposition theory,” the lesbian relationships in the Recherche are only a veil for male homosexuality, and the real-life Albertine is a man: Proust’s chauffeur and secretary, Alfred Agostinelli. Having fallen in love with Agostinelli, Proust bought the amateur aviator a plane, which he had engraved with a line from Mallarmé. In May 1914, Agostinelli fell from the aircraft into the Mediterranean and drowned. The following day, Proust received a letter from him, a kind of message from beyond the grave.

In the novel, it is just after Marcel sends Albertine a telegram pleading for her to return that he receives another telegram, this one from her aunt, conveying the news of her death. Such scrambled boundaries between art and life are further anticipated by a scene near the end of The Captive, when Marcel and Albertine are visiting Versailles. Marcel, hearing the buzzing of an airplane overhead, is dazzled by the idea that the vehicle is six thousand feet above him. Measuring such a distance, he reflects, feels “different to us because the access seemed impossible”—something like the boundary between the living and the dead.

Anne Carson’s numbered poetic sequence, The Albertine Workout (2014), reads Albertine in part through the prism of the critical history that has identified her as Agostinelli. Like Rose, Carson is interested in the friction between perspectives—Marcel’s, Albertine’s, but also that of the reader who wants more for and from her. Her mock-methodical approach suggests that she is one of these readers:

8. The problems of Albertine are

(from the narrator’s point of view)
a) lying
b) lesbianism,
and (from Albertine’s point of view)
a) being imprisoned in the narrator’s house.

Are lying and lesbianism the same kind of problem? As Elisabeth Ladenson pointed out in her 1999 book, Proust’s Lesbianism, this has historically been the case for some of Proust’s critics, as well as for Marcel. Such critics, she argued, continue to sideline female sexuality by installing a (male) historical figure in the place of the unpossessable, unknowable Albertine. Carson’s characteristic style—citational, thoroughly researched, lively, often tongue-in-cheek—offers a “working out” of this interpretive strategy, including its more reductive implications. “Granted the transposition theory is a graceless, intrusive, and saddening hermeneutic mechanism,” she writes. Still, “In the case of Proust, it is also irresistible.” Albertine’s oblique, spectral characterization can also be read as a moving testament to Proust’s own mourning for his beloved.

What is so alluring about these vanishing women?

While Agostinelli haunts Proust’s Albertine, Smallwood reads Akerman’s film as a prelude to the filmmaker’s own form of mourning. In Proust, by the time Albertine and Marcel are living together, his grandmother has died, and his mother is buckled by grief. In Akerman’s La Captive, the grandmother is still alive, and she, not the mother, is part of the couple’s unusual ménage. Smallwood takes this as a clue to consider the film in relation to Akerman’s many reflections on her intensely close but fraught relationship to her mother. Her 1976 documentary, News from Home, for instance, juxtaposed images of Manhattan and a voiceover of letters from Akerman’s mother in Brussels. For Smallwood, that film “shows the artist physically escaping her mother while psychically remaining her captive.” (Akerman took her own life in 2015, barely a year after her mother’s death.)

The final scenes of La Captive undercut those more playful versions of collapsing art into life that Carson’s method implied. As the film returns to its opening home-video-style shots of Ariane on the beach, the camera follows her as she swims out and out into the sea, keeps swimming, too far, for too long. Simon jumps in after her, but to no avail. While in Proust’s novel “art will have her,” Smallwood reflects, in Akerman “the ocean will cover Ariane completely,” as the film declines to redeem her death.

“IT’S A FEELING I know well,” Elena Ferrante told her Paris Review editor in a 2015 interview, about the wish to vanish: “I think all women know it.” If Akerman and Smallwood take up the position of Marcel-as-artist and Rose and Carson inhabit and transfigure Albertine-as-muse, Ferrante’s Neapolitan novels update the Proustian drama of the disappearing woman, extending, expanding, and regenerating the dialectics of confinement and escape articulated through Proust’s Albertine.

Ferrante’s exploration of fraught friendship between women is more explicitly indebted to another novel, the East German novelist Christa Wolf’s The Quest for Christa T. (1968), which also seems to swerve away from the gendered power dynamics of the Marcel-Albertine pair entirely. The Quest for Christa T. lends the author’s name to the object of obsession rather than to the narrating artist. “I feel that she is disappearing,” Wolf’s narrator reflects on the titular Christa, who has recently died of leukemia and is slipping away from her friend’s memory. In writing, she attempts a resurrection.

While Wolf’s storyteller writes to mourn and to remember, Ferrante’s eponymous narrator sits down at her laptop less out of grief than anger. “It’s been at least three decades since she told me that she wanted to disappear without leaving a trace,” Elena Greco writes of her friend Lila, with envy and fascination, in the prologue to My Brilliant Friend (2012)“and I’m the only one who knows what she means.”

What is so alluring about these vanishing women? In some ways, Lila is more conventional than Elena: she was the first to marry, to have children, to settle down. In this she also recalls Proust’s Albertine, who is equally conformist in her material predilections, coveting Fortuny dresses and aspiring to infiltrate the salons of Parisian high society. But if to disappear is the ultimate flouting of convention, the writer-storyteller is left to wonder about her own untaken paths.

In Ferrante as in Wolf, the writers write to keep the other woman present. In some ways this desire construes aesthetic creation as an act of care. But if in one sense writing keeps the vanished women alive—tries to bring them back to life—in another sense, and despite the shared terrain of gender, it also ensnares and embalms them. This vexed dynamic of creation and erasure, confinement and evasion, is one source of the inexhaustible appeal, and frustration, of Proust’s Albertine and her afterlives. Maddening and tempting, haunting and banal, Albertine dares her lovers, readers, and critics to follow in her wake.

Correction, January 26, 2024: An earlier version of this essay mistakenly referred to C.K. Scott Moncrieff by his last name simply as "Moncrieff."

VICTORIA BAENA is a Research Fellow in English and Modern Languages at Gonville and Caius College, University of Cambridge. Her writing has appeared in Boston Review, Dissent, The New York Review of Books, The Baffler, and the Los Angeles Review of Books.

Sunday, January 21, 2024

戴卡琳|古代的墨学,现代的建构:孙诒让的《墨子间诂》

 【学者简介】 戴卡琳,比利时鲁汶大学汉学系教授,主要研究领域为古代中国思想(战国)及其现代诠释。


【译者简介】 李庭绵,澳门大学哲学与宗教学系助理教授,主要研究方向之一为古代墨学及其当代价值。

《墨子》在中文学界之外,较少被视为一部哲学作品。而在中文学界中,墨子则被看作是思想史上的失败者,甚至是个危害正道的异端 [1]。直到十九世纪,深沉的国家危机促使学者开始反思古老的儒学传统,并回头找寻那被遗忘了近两千年的墨子[2]。孙诒让(1848-1908) 穷尽半生岁月对《墨子》全书进行校勘整理。他所写成的《墨子间诂》,可谓墨学复苏史上的里程碑。该书呈现一部版本完备的《墨子》,既反映前人的校勘成果,还搜罗许多评注、引文与序跋。有些甚至难以在其他地方找到。孙诒让的老师俞樾(1821-1907) 相当赞赏这份成果,说道:“盖自有墨子以来未有此书也。”[3]当时,墨子已不再被视为最毒害人心的邪说,而被看作是具有价值的思想家。这一点自当归功于孙诒让及其前人的研究贡献。然而,我们也不能忽略,这些十八、十九世纪的学者的研究不只是还原《墨子》一书的样貌,他们还给予古代墨学一个创新的描绘。最引人注目的两点是:第一,墨子开始被描述为“十论”(或 “十义”)的发明者;第二,墨子开始摆脱孟子“无父无君”的恶评。[4]

一.“墨学十论说”的出现

现今墨学界的主流看法,是早期墨学主张尚贤、尚同、兼爱、非攻、节用、节葬、天志、明鬼、非乐及非命等“十论”。我姑且将这个看法称之为 “墨子十论说”。“墨子十论说”的普遍性可以从当代关于早期墨学[5]的导论中看出来[6]。这些导论作品都默认墨学中有个“十论”的体系,并以此为出发点来讨论其他议题,像是兼爱与节用哪个才是墨子 “十论”中最为根本的学说等等。虽然,自战国以来就有人用“十论”其中的几条来描绘墨子的思想,但一直到晚清时期 “十论”之说才被确立下来。这大约发生于孙诒让的年代,并且孙诒让也参与其中。

葛瑞汉(A. C. Graham) 在描述早期墨学思想时说:“从〈墨语〉篇章看来……该学派教导十个特定的学说,意即《墨子》一书内的十个核心论文所阐释的学说。”[7]葛瑞汉对墨学的描绘体现了主流的看法:他不止突出了“十论”,还援引了两个颇具说服力的文本证据来支持“墨子十论说”。这两条证据分别是《墨子》核心篇章(即第八到三十七篇)的标题,和《墨子·鲁问》中魏越与墨子的对话。魏越询问墨子打算对四方君子说些什么,墨子答道:

凡入国,必择务而从事焉。国家昏乱,则语之尚贤尚同;国家贫,则语之节用节葬;国家说音湛湎,则语之非乐非命;国家淫辟无礼,则语之尊天事鬼;国家务夺侵凌,则语之兼爱非〔攻。故〕曰择务而从事焉。 [8]
除了这两条证据以外,古代文献(包括《墨子》)都没有指出墨子有一套十论的学说[9]:没有任何墨家的论敌、批评者、门徒或是古代文献学者像现代学者那样看待墨学[10]。我翻检了十八世纪以前的文献,没有发现任何文献的核心篇章有这十个标题,又或是〈鲁问〉篇的那段对话来描绘墨学的内涵。或许我的检索不够全面,忽略了某些材料。但这并不影响我们看见这个强烈的对比:古籍中极少提及“十论”,但“墨子十论说”却在当代学术占有指导地位。

“墨子十论说”在近代墨学复苏之前几乎不存在。这个看法在十九世纪晚期的学术讨论中根深蒂固,主要是由上述两点证据所支撑。这两个证据要被同时发掘,仰赖于一部同时包含核心篇章与该〈鲁问〉段落的《墨子》版本的流传。现存的五十三篇《墨子》(原来或有七十一篇)至少存在于宋代[11];在此之前《墨子》一书的流传已不可考。而最早的存本保留在明代《道藏》之中,不过流传并不广[12]。《墨子》一书能得到较广泛的流传,或许要归功于《四库全书》的编纂。

(一)从明代到十八世纪末的演变

无论是在《道藏》本还是《四库》本《墨子》中,上述的〈鲁问〉段落都只提到九个主张,而不是十个。它的最后一句是“国家务夺侵凌,则语之兼爱”,后接“非曰”。并没有提到“非攻”。虽然有“非”字,但“攻”字被遗漏;而且对比今本,还缺了个“故”字。当时没有学者对此提出修正或怀疑[13]。现存所见的序跋也没有将墨学的内涵视同为〈鲁问〉的那段话,又或是核心篇章的篇题。甚至《四库全书总目提要》也没有提及十论的任何一个,更别说是提到所有十论的标题[14]。

与此同时有清代官员毕沅极力提倡汉学。在卢文弨及孙星衍等学者的协助下,他在明代《墨子》抄本基础上花费一年多的努力,校订出新的《墨子》版本。毕沅在一七八三年写成的序文中引用了〈鲁问〉的那个段落,最后一句也是:“国家务夺侵凌,则语之兼爱”,他附加说:“是亦通达经权,不可訾议。”毕沅既没提到核心篇章的标题,在他自己校勘的《墨子》中也没有改正〈鲁问〉这个段落[15]。没有迹象显示毕沅及其协作者对于这个段落的“残缺”感到惊讶。

曾为毕沅宾客的汪中于一七八〇年撰写了一篇〈墨子序〉(该序收录于《述学》,也保存在孙诒让的《墨子间诂》中)。就我所知,汪中这篇序文是墨学史上第一个引用了包含“十论”的〈鲁问〉(意即,包括“非攻”)[16]。〈鲁问〉的这个段落还被推崇为早期墨家思想的代表观点:“墨子之学,其自言者曰。”汪中接着引用修正后的〈鲁问〉道:“此其救世亦多术矣。”这样看来,汪中似乎是现代墨学诠释的先驱:他明确将墨学与整套的“十论”联系在一起,但他没有提到核心篇章的标题。

然而,我们有理由怀疑汪中的原稿未必引用了那段完整的〈鲁问〉段落。作为毕沅的协作者,汪中参考的应该是毕沅的《墨子》版本。而毕本并没有修正〈鲁问〉这段对话。汪中的毕生好友王念孙 (1744-1832),在汪中死后多年编辑了《述学》一书(其序写于 1815 年)。然而,当他于一八三二年提出自己的修正时(见下)并未提及汪中的著作。孙诒让在汪中序之后也说了:“汪氏所校《墨子》及《表微》一卷,今并未见。此叙扬州刻本为后人窜改,文多驳异。今从阮刻本校正。”确实,汪中于一七九二年刊刻其《述学》,但该版本早已遗失了。阮元 (1764-1849) 于一七九八年重刊该著作。他的从弟阮亨 (1783-1854) 又在一八一五年左右再度刊刻该书。他的儿子阮福(生于 1802 年)在一八二八年把它收进了《文选楼丛书》(该丛书于 1842 年问世)[17]。这个版本引用了〈鲁问〉那段对话,当中包括了完整的“十论”;与孙诒让所引用的一样[18]。然而,从汪中序的复杂淆乱的历史来看,《述学》的流传恐怕经历多人之手。他们当中或许有人出于善意或是无意识地根据当时对《墨子》的新看法,对这段话加以修改 [19]。

其他毕沅圈子以外的学者,也没有提出“十论”为《墨子》思想的核心。比如张惠言 (1761-1802) 在一七九二年也写过一篇〈墨子序〉。孙诒让对这篇序很是欣赏,把它收录于一九〇七年再版的《墨子间诂》中的附录。虽然张惠言主要是研究墨经,但他序中综述墨子的基本思想,并论及其核心主张的次第:“墨之本在兼爱,而兼爱者,墨之所以自固而不可破。……尊天、明鬼、尚同、节用者,其支流也。非命、非乐、节葬,激而不得不然者也。”这样组织墨学核心观点的尝试,是《墨子》研究的一个重要发展;它标志《墨子》研究从文献考订发展到哲学诠释的阶段。但值得注意的是张惠言仅提到八个标题。他不但没提到 “非攻”,也没提到 “尚贤”。这或许是因为十论说在当时还未确立[20]。

(二)对〈鲁问〉篇的修订

经过了将近四十年后,〈鲁问〉篇中魏越与墨子的对话于一八三二年首次被正式修改。这个修改向“墨子十论说”更迈进了一步。王念孙的《读书杂志》改动了〈鲁问〉的那段话。他还在〈墨子序〉中指出前人如庐文弨、毕沅及孙星衍的贡献(但他没提及汪中),并提到他还发现更多的讹误,诸如错简、脱文与校对失误等:

墨子书旧无注释,亦无校本,故脱误不可读。至近时,卢氏抱经、孙氏渊如,始有校本,多所是正。乾隆癸卯,毕氏弇山重加校订,所正复多于前。然尚未该备,且多误改误释者。予不揣寡昧,复合各本及群书治要诸书所引,详为校正。
在王念孙的三卷《墨子杂志》中,〈鲁问〉篇首次被正式修复。在“脱文二”的注记中王念孙解释道:“旧本脱攻故二字。今据上文及〈非攻〉篇补。”他的解释提到〈鲁问〉该对话的内容以及〈非攻〉篇的两条证据[21]。

但仅仅是这一个修改显然不足以让“十论”深受注目:王念孙的修正原先并不为多数人所知。即使是著名的学者俞樾,在一八七〇年写成的《诸子评议》中也完全忽略了这个部分。他仔细研读过王念孙的《墨子杂志》,还多次参考王念孙对《墨子》文本的意见。但俞樾对于〈鲁问〉这段话,却不置一词。

(三)孙诒让与墨学新图像的确立

一八九四年冬天,孙诒让完成了《墨子间诂》的第二版,并请其师俞樾为之提笔写序。这篇序文成为该书一八九五年版的开篇。俞樾极为赞赏孙诒让修复尘封已久的《墨子》的功力。

国朝镇洋毕氏始为之注,嗣是以来,诸儒益加雠校。涂径既辟,奥窔粗窥,《墨子》之书稍稍可读。于是瑞安孙诒让仲容乃集诸说之大成,着《墨子闲》诂。凡诸家之说,是者从之,非者正之,阙略者补之。……盖自有《墨子》以来未有此书也。
孙诒让仔细参考了前人所做的校订。他注意到并且采纳了王念孙对〈鲁问〉那段对话的修改。俞序充分注意到核心篇章的十个标题,将它们全部罗列出来,并提出“三墨”说来解析核心篇章上、中、下的区分[22]。然而,这篇序文并没有提到“十论”又或是〈鲁问〉的那段对话。

孙诒让自己的序文——见于一八九三年最早版本的《墨子间诂》[23]——则明白地同时强调 “十论”与〈鲁问〉篇的对话。序文在简要描述《墨子》一书的篇幅规模后,就紧接着引用修订过的〈鲁问〉对话,并总结道:“今书虽残缺,然自〈尚贤〉至〈非命〉三十篇,所论略备,足以尽其恉要矣。”孙接着指出:“窃谓〈非儒〉以前诸篇,谊恉详焯,毕王诸家校训略备,然亦不无遗失。”自此以后,《墨子》核心篇章的篇题以及〈鲁问〉的那段对话就被学界牢牢地视作墨学思想的代表论述。与孙诒让的序文一样,核心篇章的标题与〈鲁问〉同时出现在今日许多的墨子思想研究(诸如序文、章节、论文与专书的开篇)都与孙诒让的序一样。自从王念孙对〈鲁问〉的修正被孙诒让采纳后,就被普遍地视为理所当然:很少人留意到它是经过修订后的产物。

(四)新的《墨子》

尔后,学界逐渐形成了一个共识,那便是建立在上述两个文献根据上的“墨子十论说”。当代研究《墨子》学者,或许会惊讶于清代研究者竟花了这么长的时间才发现十论,并补正了〈鲁问〉篇的那段话。尽管毕沅及其幕中学者投注密集心力于《墨子》之上,还引述并赞同了〈鲁问〉中所提到的九论,但他们却没有发现其中少了一个。具有独创见解的张惠言,也同样没有注意到这点。尽管俞樾手边有王念孙的《读书杂志》后,他也没有发现。今日,我们或许难以想象出一个不是以“十论”建构起来的墨学研究框架;而且在这个框架中〈鲁问〉的那段话没有重要到必须得立即修正。

这些事实并不表示“墨子十论说”无法精确地呈现墨家哲学的内涵。过去的学者,或许在某个时候是这样看待墨学的。至少编写〈鲁问〉或是拟定《墨子》核心篇章篇题的古人就是如此。这些古人也许正是校编了《墨子》这本书的学者[24]。我曾在其他文章中指出,《墨子》许多地方都显示,它的作者并不是以“十论”在阐发其思想。核心篇章的标题有可能是在汉代才出现,并且〈鲁问〉那段话在《墨子》一书算是特例——书中其他地方固然也有列举一串墨学主旨,但最多也只提到三个[25]。同样地,许多先秦两汉文献也看似没意识到墨学有这“十论”。最早是提到两个或三个,到了汉代越来越多,于是有《论六家要旨》、《汉书艺文志》、《隋书经籍志》等[26]。

“墨子十论说”这个观点的形成,或许是出于很多的因素。其中的三个有:首先,自十八世纪后期以来,读书人更有机会接触到《墨子》一书。也因此,他们更容易察觉到〈鲁问〉与核心篇章篇题之间的呼应。其次,是当孟子对墨子的批评不再具有完全的权威性,学者变得更愿意去阅读并赏析《墨子》的思想。最后一个因素,就是当时的研究者倾向于把先秦诸子描述为某个思想体系的建构或传授者。这个倾向最初表现在张惠言的诠释,后来则体现于二十世纪上半叶哲学系的研究成果。

二.脱离孟子影响的过程

新的墨学诠释之所以出现,也是因为旧的诠释开始式微。这个旧的诠释来自于孟子对于墨子的评论——虽然这个描述或许没有学者通常认为的那样古老。墨子在当代学界经常被视为“爱无差等”的提倡者,尽管这样的措辞并没有出现在《墨子》书中,而是来自《孟子》对墨者夷之的描述(《孟子·滕文公上》)。一般学界也认为墨子主张“兼爱”。这个说法确实出现于《墨子》,也符合孟子对墨子的描述[27]。

自西汉末以来,墨子越来越常被以孟子的批评来讨论,而不是根据他自己思想内容被评论。在宋代以后孟子的亚圣地位确立后,这个趋势也就日益增强。尽管历经了汉宋之争与汉学的兴盛,孟子对墨学诠释的影响也没有立即消失。这是因为孟子的影响在宋代之前已经根深蒂固,以至于脱离它需要一段漫长的过程。为了呈现这个复杂的过程,我将简要介绍由韩愈(768-824)、李贽(1527-1602)、汪中和孙诒让所代表的四个阶段。

《孟子》有四处批评墨子或墨家。一个常被引述的段落如下:

杨朱墨翟之言盈天下。天下之言不归杨,则归墨。杨氏为我,是无君也;墨氏兼爱,是无父也。无父无君。是禽兽也。〔……〕杨墨之道不息,孔子之道不着,是邪说诬民,充塞仁义也。仁义充塞,则率兽食人,人将相食。吾为此惧……岂好辩哉?予不得已也。能言距杨墨者,圣人之徒也。(《孟子‧滕文公下》)
孟子对墨子的批判表达了五个观点。第一,墨子的代表思想为“兼爱”,而 “兼爱”也专属于墨子思想。第二,孟子认为兼爱是对父亲的不尊重。第三,与墨子“兼爱”相对立的另一个极端是杨朱“无君”的个人主义。第四,杨墨邪说的普及对人类与对孔子思想的推行都构成威胁。最后,圣人之徒必须与邪说相抗以拯救天下。这些观点在历代著作不断出现,但值得注意的是,它们没有出现在战国与早期汉代文献中[28]。

西汉晚期以来开始有学者直接引述孟子对墨子的批评。最早可见的材料是扬雄(53-18 B.C.) 的《法言》。扬雄采用了孟子的“塞路”之评来表达自己也面临类似的困境:

古者杨、墨塞路,孟子辞而辟之,廓如也。后之塞路者有矣,窃自比于孟子。(《法言‧吾子》)[29]
推崇扬雄的王充 (27-100) 也在《论衡》中表明自己欲接续孟子的志业:

孟子伤杨、墨之议大夺儒家之论,引平直之说,褒是抑非。世人以为好辩,孟子曰:“予岂好辩哉?予不得已!”今吾不得已也。(《论衡‧对作》)[30]
以上二段引文有明显的共同点,同样的,东汉学者应劭(140-204) 的《风俗通义》在论及孟子的德行事迹时,几乎照搬上面所引用的《孟子》原话。根据应劭的叙述,孟子在捍卫了圣人之道后,被梁惠王赏识而获聘为上卿[31]。

孟子的话似乎被袭用成为一种固定的表述方式。虽然汉代的学者袭用了孟子的话,但他们似乎对墨子不感兴趣,也未必读过《墨子》。是透过这种表述方式来表达他们对所处世界的道德现状的不满、对邪说普行的焦虑,以及心里想为孔子辩护的冲动。这些学者的目的似乎不在批评墨子及杨朱,而是藉孟子之语来发泄其怨愤,并使他们的观点披上权威的色彩。从而,孟子对墨子的批评变成了一种普遍的修辞:它独立流传于其他早期对墨子的讨论。

(一)“两个”不同的韩愈

扬雄是东汉到北宋间至为重要的人物。韩愈的道统说认为扬雄继承孟子的圣人之业[32]。孟子对墨子的描述变得越来越普及且根深蒂固。但这位伟大的儒者韩愈,也同时为墨子辩护。在孙诒让之前也常有学者引用韩愈的短文〈读墨子〉[33]来赞许墨子。因为韩愈敢于为墨子辩护并且把墨子与孔子并列。韩愈明白地否定儒者对于墨家“尚同”、“兼爱”、“尚贤”、“明鬼”这四个主张的批评。他认为孔子也有相似的观点,并且孔、墨的共同点多过于分歧。他因此说:“孔子必用墨子,墨子必用孔子。不相用不足为孔、墨。”他还说:“余以为辩生于末学各务售其师之说,非二师之道本然也。”在当时几乎没有学者敢于为墨子辩护的情况下,韩愈的言论可以说是相当“大胆”[34]。但韩愈也没有批评孟子。他没有提到孟子或是杨朱,也没有把墨子与“兼爱”单独联系起来。他的文章没有旧有描述的那些特征。

而且,〈读墨子〉一文(以下为墨子)有别于韩愈论及墨子的其他文章。他在别处谈论墨子时,大致遵循从孟子衍生而来并经过汉代学者修改过的描述;虽然他没有重复那些对兼爱的批评(以下为孟子)。比如,韩愈的〈进士策问十三首〉呼应孟子观点,认为在孔子之后,圣人之道不明而杨墨横行。之后,韩愈承袭扬雄的观点说:“孟子辞而辟之,则既廓如也。”[35]在此文中,韩愈对墨子的刻板描述依旧偏向于将墨子与杨朱并列为邪说,并呼吁人们捍卫孔子的价值。如同前述学者一样,韩愈所关心的并非业已失势的杨墨思想,而是袭用这种修辞来抨击当时的邪说。在写给孟简的一封信中,他宣泄对那些邪说的不满:

唱释老于其间,鼓天下之众而从之。呜呼!其亦不仁甚矣。释老之害过于杨墨。韩愈之贤不及孟子。孟子不能救之于未亡之前,而韩愈乃欲全之于已坏之后。呜呼!其亦不量其力,且见其身之危,莫之救以死也。[36]
由此可见,尽管墨子与孟子之间看似存在矛盾,但这个矛盾并不是绝对的。韩愈没有引用孟子对兼爱的批评,而韩愈也没论及孟子对墨子的批判。如果我们从修辞的角度来看孟子,这个矛盾就更是轻微。孟子对墨子的批评被当作一种修辞习惯,有其独立的生命,如滚雪球一般在历代文献中逐渐发展,并容纳新的内涵。在这些反复出现的修辞手法中,孟子所扮演的角色,是一位捍卫圣道的勇者,将世人从杨墨的邪说中拯救出来。孟子并不太关注墨子的思想,反观韩愈的〈读墨子〉则有别于前人的审慎赏析墨子的思想[37]。

但总的来说,〈读墨子〉还是以孔子为标准来衡量墨子,也没有挑战孟子的评价。在这意义上,〈读墨子〉还算是比较正统。对孔孟经久不变的遵奉与对墨子偶然为之的赞扬,在往后的学者身上经常出现,包括十七十八世纪认同〈读墨子〉的考证学家。

(二)正统之中的批判声浪:李贽等学者

然而,这种经久不衰的正统并不表示对墨子的看法没有发生变化。在张载(1020-1077) 与程颢(1032-1085) 的影响下,儒家“仁”的概念变得更为宽广,以至于孟子对墨子的批评变得难以理解。经过数个世纪以后,王阳明(1472-1529) 的弟子问他:“程子云仁者以天地万物为一体,何墨氏兼爱反不得谓之仁?”王阳明的回应虽较为细腻,却也不违背孟子的观点[38]。王阳明某次也说到“孟子辟杨墨至于无父无君”不免极端,“二子亦当时之贤者,使与孟子并世而生,未必不以之为贤,墨子兼爱,行仁而过耳”。他认为孟子所以将杨墨比之夷狄,乃是因为二子后学的偏差[39]。郑杰文指出,这是现存儒者质疑孟子对杨墨之批评的最早材料[40]。

受王阳明启发的泰州学派学者也表达了有别于正统的意见。其中一个例子便是何心隐(1517-1579)。他称赞“无父无君”是超越家庭与国家局限的道德[41]。更明显的例子是推崇他的李贽(1527-1602)。在《墨子批选》中,李贽接着〈兼爱〉篇给了一条评论,来批评认为兼爱等同于无父的观点。但他没有把这个观点归给孟子:

兼爱者,相爱之谓也。使人相爱,何说害仁?若谓使人相爱者,乃是害仁,则必使人相贼者乃不害仁乎?我爱人父,然后人皆爱我之父,何说无父?若谓使人皆爱我父者,乃是无父,则必使人贼我父者,乃是有父乎?是何异禽兽夷狄人也 ! 岂其有私憾而故托公言以售其说邪?然孟氏非若人矣。[42]
儒学在这数个世纪之间的转变,使得儒者(至少是较远离于正统的那些)开始质疑孟子对杨墨的极端评价。但孟子本身却没有招致批评[43]。

(三)与孟子分道扬镳:汪中的〈墨子序〉

第一个严正挑战孟子的是汪中的〈墨子序〉。他敢于批判亚圣,并因此遭受污蔑。在他过世后,他的儿子在修订版(1818 年)中把他锐利的言词改得较为委婉。后来孙诒让又根据阮元一七九八年的版本以还原旧文[44]。汪中五十一岁时辞世,他的儿子汪喜孙时年仅九岁。汪喜孙倾毕生之力整理与出版其父亲遗作。他请求父亲的两位好友协助(其中一位是王念孙),于一八一八年出版了他父亲的《述学》,当中包含了〈墨子序〉[45]。如田汉云所指出,他修改他父亲“容易招致攻击的措辞”[46]。以下我将对比〈墨子序〉的两个版本的细微差别。这些差别虽然细微,却是墨子研究脱离孟子正统思想所拉开的距离。

汪喜孙对其父〈墨子序〉的修改,是从涉及墨家思想的地方开始,一直到文章的结尾。我以(汪喜孙1、2、3、4)来标示孙诒让(及阮元)所引用的〈墨子序〉中经汪喜孙修改的内容。汪中在引用〈鲁问〉篇并做出正面评价后,引用了《史记》的“世之学老子者则绌儒学,儒学亦绌老子”[47]。他接着说:

惟儒墨则亦然。儒之绌墨子者,孟氏、荀氏。若夫兼爱,特墨之一端。然其所谓兼者,欲国家慎其封守,而无虐其邻之人民畜产也。虽昔先王制为聘问吊恤之礼,以睦诸侯之邦交者,岂有异哉!彼且以兼爱教天下之为人子者,使以孝其亲,而谓之无父,斯巳枉(汪喜孙:过)矣!
无论是用“枉”字还是“过”字,这段话表明汪中对孟子观点的驳斥,而且没有把孟子的观点视为一种修辞。汪中驳斥孟子的观点,并指出只有没读过《墨子》的学者才会接受孟子的评价:

后之君子日习孟子之说,而未睹《墨子》之本书,其以耳食,无足怪也(汪喜孙 1:众口交攻抑又甚焉)。世莫不以其诬孔子为墨子罪。虽然,自今日言之(汪喜孙2:自儒者言之),孔子之尊固生民以来所未有矣。自当日言之(汪喜孙 3:自墨者言之),则孔子鲁之大夫也,而墨子宋之大夫也,其位相埒,其年又相近。其操术不同而立言务以求胜,虽欲平情核实,其可得乎(汪喜孙 4:此在诸子百家莫不如是)?是故墨子之诬孔子,犹孟子之诬墨子也(汪喜孙 5:犹老子之诬儒学也),归于不相为谋而已矣。[48]
我们或许没必要对这些细微的差异求之过深,但这些差异多少透露出汪喜孙对父亲“非正统”观点的不安。汪中认为,批判墨子的学者是没有看过《墨子》的耳食之徒,这点被他儿子删除了(汪喜孙1)。汪中还说儒家占据主导地位是个历史的偶然,而非周代已有的现实。汪喜孙把“自当日言之”改成“自墨者言之”,又把“自今日言之”改成自“儒者言之”,意即从儒家正统观点来看(汪喜孙2 与3)。既然孔墨的观点不同而又地位相等,他们自然无法平静、客观地看待对方(汪喜孙4)。孟子对墨子的诋毁也是如此。但从汪喜孙的角度来看,孟子对墨子的批评并非是种“诬蔑”,墨子对儒家的抨击才是。他因此将最后一行删掉并引述《史记》关于老子与儒学的评论,彷佛他的父亲没有对孟子批评墨子表示任何意见(汪喜孙5)。但汪中明白表达了他的意见,他说:“惟儒墨则亦然。儒之绌墨子者,孟氏、荀氏。”

汪喜孙采取审慎的态度不是没有道理的,当时许多学者对汪中重估墨子有强烈的情绪反应。比如,史学家章学诚(1738-1801) 毅然反对儒墨并列。宋学家方东树(1772-1851) 认为汪中罪在违背孔子、朱熹之圣学。金石学家翁方纲(1733-1818) 也认为汪中的言论难以容忍。翁方纲与孙星衍共同研究过《墨子》,并认为其思想“与圣贤之道大异则无疑也”。他因此批判汪中:“生员汪中者,则公然为《墨子》撰序,自言能治《墨子》,且敢言孟子之言“兼爱无父”为诬墨子,此则又名教之罪人,又无疑也。”翁方纲称汪中为“墨者汪中”,如同孟子把那位主张爱无差等的人叫作“墨者夷之”一样。遭到翁方纲抨击后,汪喜孙将父亲的“孟子之诬墨子”从序文删除。我们从翁方纲的严厉批评及汪喜孙的谨慎修改,能够观察到这个议题在当时还是相当敏感的。〈墨子序〉的两个版本之间的细微差异足以让我们窥视到摆脱孟子影响的支配有多么艰难。

(四)认同墨子的孙诒让

有些与汪中同时或后世的学者同意汪中的看法,但他们对孟子一般不采取严厉批评的态度。有些学者则提到韩愈的两张面孔,他们同意韩愈对墨学价值的肯定,但也认为韩愈是在批评当时的佛家[50]。随着学者开始阅读《墨子》,〈非儒〉变得较为人知,却比孟子对墨子的批评还难以消化。但与韩愈一样,学者认为〈非儒〉为后期墨家所著[51]。在汪中撰写〈墨子序〉的一个世纪以后,孙诒让不仅保留了所有这些看法,将之收入《墨子间诂》中的〈墨子旧叙〉,他还进一步脱离孟子对墨子批评的影响。他否定孟子的主导地位,赞扬墨子,还为其非儒观点辩护。

孙诒让无所保留地赞扬墨子“用心笃厚,勇于振世救币”[52]。在写给梁启超的一封信中,孙诒让称赞墨家思想是各种思想精华的综合:

曩读墨子书,深爱其撢精道术,操行艰苦,以佛氏等慈之恉,综西士通艺之学,九流汇海,斯为巨派。徒以非儒之论,蒙世大诟,心窃悕之。[53]
此外,孙诒让还写一篇〈墨学通论〉专门讨论墨家思想,这可视为迈向后世墨学哲学的独立学术文章,或专书的写作习惯的关键发展。〈墨学通论〉这样介绍墨学:

而墨氏兼爱,固谆谆以孝慈为本,其书具在,可以勘验。而孟子斥之,至同之无父之科,则亦少过矣。自汉以后,治教嫥一,学者咸宗孔孟,而墨氏大绌。然讲学家剽窃孟荀之论,以自矜饰标识;缀文之士,习闻儒言,而莫之究察。其于墨也,多望而非之,以迄于今。学者童斵治举业,至于皓首,习斥杨墨为异端,而未有读其书,深究其本者。是暖姝之说也,安足与论道术流别哉! [54]
最后,孙诒让力图解释并辩护墨家思想对儒家之礼的批评,以及〈非儒〉篇中的严厉语气:

然周季道术分裂,诸子舛驰。荀卿为齐、鲁大师,而其书〈非十二子〉篇于游、夏、孟子诸大贤,皆深相排笮。洙、泗龂龂,儒家已然。墨儒异方,跬武千里,其相非宁足异乎?[55]
如汪中在早一个世纪前说的,晚周是个纷争与论辩的时代。孙诒让指出,即便是荀子也猛烈地抨击其他儒者;儒家之内尚有纷争,墨家抨击儒家也不足为怪了!孙诒让认为没有必要把〈非儒〉归为后世墨徒之作,而非墨子。墨子在《墨子间诂》中终于摆脱孟子的恶评。

(五)脱离孟子的缓慢过程

从现存资料来看,孟子对墨子的描绘成为主流可追溯到西汉晚期,而非孟子所处的战国时代。尽管这个描绘随着孟子在道统谱系中的地位而受到重视,但也有某些学者对墨子抱持较为审慎或是欣赏的态度;例如唐代的韩愈与明代的李贽。但他们也没有反过来批评孟子。汪中在〈墨子序〉(特别是没有经过儿子修改的版本)中大胆地评论,以及孙诒让最后下的定论才起身对抗了孟子。相比之下,“墨子十论说”很快地被视为毋庸置疑的预设,而与孟子分道扬镳的过程却是缓慢而艰巨。[56]

墨学所以被接纳的关键一步在于《墨子》一书变得较为普及——书中并没有内容显示 “兼爱”等同于“无父”。儒者不读原典而道听途说的评论遂引起汪中与孙诒让的不满。孟子的批评相较于〈非儒〉或许也显得没有那么尖刻。与《墨子》其他篇章相比,〈非儒〉确实对儒者与孔子特别严厉[57]。尽管清代某些学者受到韩愈的启发而把〈非儒〉的严厉言词归诸墨子后学[58],他们却没有把〈非儒〉联系到韩愈、孟子对墨子的批判。也因此孟式修辞与两个韩愈之间的矛盾也就消失了。孟子对墨子的“无父”之评到了这一步就被按照字面解读,并被客观地用《墨子》原典来检验,并且常被驳斥。

三.后语:历史与哲学的互动

哲学与历史是两个独立却又相互联系的学科。如同其他子书一样,《墨子》研究一般被归在“哲学”的领域。“历史”在哲学研究中往往扮演侍女的角色。她所提供的只是哲学家的生平数据。墨学研究的现况也大致如斯。“历史”作为一个侍女,从来没有机会去质疑哲学诠释所立足的基础预设;意即,有一个伟大的哲人,他舌战群雄还建立了一个学派,而且有一本以他命名的书来传授他的学派的思想等等。尽管学者出版的哲学研究都建立在这些预设之上,他们有时也会在导论或是注释中承认今人对于这些议题所知甚少。

“哲学”与“历史”或许可以有一个较不和谐却更为有趣的结合,那就是让“历史”也享有平等的地位,不再是“哲学”的侍女,而是伴侣。历史提醒我们,对于所研究的时代的知识有多么贫乏;我们对于古代哲学的描绘,有多大程度是建立在我们自己的诠释之上;以及我们的诠释框架是如何随着时代的推移,而层层迭迭地演变为今日的研究对象。本文所追溯的两个发展便是属于这类历史研究。第二个发展,也就是逐渐让墨子摆脱孟子的描绘,并不会挑战墨家哲学研究者的工作:他们知道传统的道统之说,也肯定墨子的独树一格。但孟子对墨子的批判,罕见于西汉晚期之前的文献,以及孟子最初仅被用来作为批判异端的修辞等事实,将挑战那些认为,孟子代表战国以来具有影响力的儒家声浪的研究者。然而第一个发展,也就是“墨学十论”的出现与定型,或许对于那些哲学论述来说更为棘手,毕竟,它显示出“墨子十论说”是晚近的产物。难以想象的是,这一组 “十论”从战国时代以来并没有举足轻重的地位,而我们也没有注意到这“十论”没有出现于历代文献之中,以及即便是在《墨子》版本流传的情况下,先前学者也不太关注〈鲁问〉那段对话。学者们或许会肯定,或是责备威胁到“诸子的哲学诠释”的“历史”研究。表面上来看或许是如此:哲学研究的主流论述可能面临威胁,因为我们将意识到当前的描绘并非是关于历史人物的描述,而是各色历史偶然堆栈起来的复杂产物;每一个偶然都只能被部分地或是尝试性地重构出来。但“历史”的贡献未必会使当前“墨家十论说”的哲学诠释站不住脚。首先,很有可能某些《墨子》的作者或编者真的从“十论”的语汇来思考它的内涵。再者,诠释框架本身不会因为其所附带的预设而被否定。哲学性的解读带出各式各样有趣的洞见,而这些洞见之所以出现,正是因为它采取了特定的研究进路。

然而,“历史”作为“哲学”的强势伴侣,促使学者意识到各种框架有其时代背景。它因此把我们从这些框架的局限中解放出来。它显示出《墨子》以及其他子书曾经有过或是能够有不同的解读方式[59]。它质疑我们的立足点。这一点在我看来是历史进路最新颖的哲学贡献。

参考文献及注释
[1]笔者在此感谢钟鸣旦 (Nicolas Standaert) 教授和李庭绵女士的宝贵意见、安妮 (Annick Gijsbers) 女士在翻译初期提供的协助,以及中央研究院中国文哲研究所邀请我发表此文(2014 年 10 月 20 日)。
[2]尽管墨学迟至明代始有复苏的迹象,但在此之前并未被完全遗忘。汉代到明代之间仍有作者对于《墨辩》又或是道教中仙化的墨子感兴趣。参见郑杰文:《中国墨学通史》,北京:人民出版社2006 年版;楼劲:〈魏晋墨学之流传及相关问题〉,《中国史研究》,2011 年第 2 期,第47-58页;秦彦士:《墨子与墨家学派》,济南:山东文艺出版社2004 年版。相关的英文讨论可见于John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel, Mozi: A Study and Translation of the Ethical and Political Writings (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013), pp. 18-21。
[3]见〔清〕俞樾:〈序〉,〔清〕孙诒让:《墨子间诂》,北京:中华书局2007 年版,第2页。
[4]另一个引人注目的地方是墨子被视为中国逻辑学的先驱。在这点上孙诒让也扮演举足轻重的角色。他在〈与梁卓如论墨子书〉将墨经比之于西学。该书信收于王更生:《籀庼学记:孙诒让先生之生平及其学术》,台北:花木兰文化出版社2010 年版,第 1 册,第 58-59页。关于墨子与中国逻辑学的讨论,参见 Joachim Kurtz, The Discovery of Chinese Logic (Leiden: Brill, 2011), pp. 278-2.
[5]这里的“早期墨学”指的是《墨子》核心篇章(第 8 至 37 篇)所阐述的政治伦理思想。这些篇章一般被认为是《墨子》年代较早的作品。
[6]这一点反映在许多学术专书的目录上,例如谭家健:《墨子研究》,贵阳:贵州教育出版社1995年版。其他例子还有杨义:《墨子还原》,北京:中华书局2011 年版,第24页 与 Ian Johnston, The Mozi: A Complete Translation (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2010), pp. xvii, xxxii。
[7]A. C. Graham, Disputers of the Tao: Philosophical Argument in Ancient China (Chicago: Open Court.1989),p.35.
[8]本文古籍引文格式参考刘殿爵主编:《先秦两汉古籍逐字索引丛刊》,香港:商务印书馆1992 年版。〈鲁问〉这段话提到的是“尊天”与“事鬼”,和“天志”与“明鬼”有些微不同。
[9]详见拙作:“The Gradual Growth of the Mohist Core Philosophy: Tracing Fixed Formulations in the Mozi” ,即将发表于 Monumenta Serica 64.2 (2016)。
[10]详见拙作:〈墨家“十论”是否代表墨翟的思想?——早期子书中的“十论”标语〉,《文史哲》,2014 年第 5 期,第 5-18页。
[11]毕沅于序中说道:“本存《道藏》中,缺宋讳字,知即宋本。”见孙诒让:《墨子间诂》,第663页。
[12]关于《墨子》与《道藏》关系的讨论,可参考 Stephen W. Durrant, “The Taoist Apotheosis of Mo Ti,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 97.4 (1977): 540-546, esp. 545。亦可见 Paul R. Goldin, “Why Mozi Is Included in the Daoist Canon—Or, Why There Is More to Mohism Than Utilitarian Ethics,” in How Should One Live? Comparing Ethics in Ancient China and Greco-Roman Antiquity, ed. Richard A. H. King and Dennis Schilling (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2011), pp. 63-91。
[13]关于《道藏》本,见任继愈、李广星主编:《墨子大全》,北京:北京图书馆出版社2004 年版,第 1 册,第368页。
[14]关于四库本,见同前注,第 10 册,第 403页。
[15]《墨子大全》第 11 册收有两个毕本。其中一个版本(页 1-448)文中有手批校正,可能出自戴望 (1837-1873) 或谭仪 (1832-1901)。第 344 页眉批提到王念孙的校对意见。另一个版本(第449896页)为日文,而且没有评注(第792页)。收录有毕本《墨子》的《经训堂丛书》则毁于太平天国期间。见 Benjamin A. Elman, From Philosophy to Philology: Intellectual and Social Aspects of Change in Late Imperial China (Cambridge, MA.: Harvard University, Council on East and Asian Studies, 1984), p.  250。
[16]〈鲁问〉这段话与核心篇章的标题显示,至少当时某些《墨子》的作者或编者是以“十论”来看待墨学的内涵,只是这种看法在当时未必如今日所想的那样普遍。
[17]见〔清〕阮亨辑:《文选楼丛书》,扬州:广陵书社2011 年版,卷 1、3、8。
[18]〔清〕阮亨辑:《文选楼丛书》,扬州:广陵书社2011 年版,卷 3,第 1548-1549页。
[19]至少汪中、阮元、阮亨、阮福、汪喜孙、王念孙与孙诒让可能转抄或修改了汪序。
[20]关于〈墨子经说解〉的历史,见王更生:《籀庼学记:孙诒让先生之生平及其学术》,第 1 册,第67页。
[21]苏时学于《墨子刊误》中提出稍微不同的见解。他说“攻”字脱漏了,而“曰”字当作“日”。孙诒让不同意第二点校对,而是采纳王念孙的观点。见孙诒让:《墨子间诂》,第475页。
[22]与许多后代学者一样,他认为上、中、下的分章与《庄子·天下》篇提到的墨家三派有关。
[23]王更生:《籀庼学记:孙诒让先生之生平及其学术》第 1 册,第49-50页。
[24]许多人相信毕沅的看法,认为刘向参与了《墨子》一书的编辑。我们目前所能看到的证据有两条。一个是《史记索隐》提到《别录》的一小段话;一个是班固在《汉志》提到删去刘氏重复收录的《墨子》城守篇章。即使刘向及当时的校书者确实整理过《墨子》,我们也无从得知他们最先看到的《墨子》是否已经有篇题了,或是已经排序过了。
[25]学者对于《墨子》各篇章的成篇时代有不同的看法。例如丁四新:《“墨语”成篇时代考证及其墨家鬼神观研究》,《人文论丛》(2010 年),第 149-196页。
[26]详见拙作:〈墨家“十论”是否代表墨翟的思想?─早期子书中的“十论”标语〉。
[27]“兼爱”一词最早出现在〈兼爱下〉。渡边卓认为〈兼爱下〉成篇于公元前 320 年。参见渡边卓:〈墨家思想〉,收入宇野精一主编,洪顺隆等译:《中国思想之研究》,台北:幼狮文化事业公司1987 年版,第 3 册,第 1-88页。
[28]详见拙作:〈墨家“十论”是否代表墨翟的思想?─早期子书中的“十论”标语〉,第 5-18页。
[29]刘殿爵、陈方正主编:《法言逐字索引·太玄经逐字索引》,香港:商务印书馆1995年版,卷2。
[30]刘殿爵、陈方正主编:《论衡逐字索引》,香港:商务印书馆1996年版,第363页。
[31]刘殿爵、陈方正主编:《风俗通义逐字索引》,香港:商务印书馆1996年版,第51页。
[32]戴梅可 (Michael Nylan) 在《法言》(Exemplary Figures: Fayan) 中指出,扬雄在其他地方表达他对墨子的欣赏。这也显示出孟子对墨子的批评是被用来作为一种修辞,而非用来表达作者对墨子的真实看法。我在下文讨论韩愈时会进一步解释这一点。参见 Michael Nylan, trans., Exemplary Figures: Fayan (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2013), pp. xxxix-xxxi, xl n. 126。
[33]孙诒让:《墨子间诂》,第752页。
[34]一个常被引述的例外是鲁胜(公元 291 年左右)的墨辩注序。序中说“孟子非墨子.其辩言正辞则与墨同”。见〔唐〕房玄龄等撰:《晋书》,北京:中华书局1992年版,卷 94,第 2433-2434页。
[35]韩愈在〈与孟尚书书〉中也提到扬雄,并使用了同样的句子。他还在当中表达尊儒抑佛的观点。他认为孟子虽然并不位高权重,但如果没有他中原将夷服,道夷语。韩愈与扬雄一样欲效法孟子勇于捍卫正道以抗邪说。在其第三次应试落第之际,他写下了〈上宰相书〉,主张朝廷当重视如他一样的贤能之士。他还表明自己无心于名声,“所读皆圣人之书 . 杨墨释老之学,无所入于其心”。经过十年后,他于《原道》中感叹世道沦丧,“天下之言不归杨,则归墨”。见周启成、周维德注译:《新译昌黎先生文集》,台北:三民书局1999 年版,第373-375、239-24、4-9页。
[36]同前注,第 374、376页。
[37]〈读墨子〉这个标题暗示韩愈或许真的读过《墨子》。但他在其他地方也怀疑杨墨文献是否流传下来,并鼓励其他学者如果有看到要加以批判。见同前注,页 176-177。葛瑞汉则相信韩愈读过三卷本《墨子》的前十三篇。见 A. C. Graham, Later Mohist Logic, Ethics, and Science (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press and School of Oriental and African Studies, 1978), pp. 68-69。然而,从韩愈文中看不出来他确实读过《墨子》一书,甚或是其三卷本。他看起来只是承袭常见的关于墨子的既有描述。
[38]〔明〕王守仁述,李生龙注译:《新译传习录》,台北:三民书局,2009 年,第 125-127页。
[39]文见王守仁:〈答罗整庵少宰书〉,同前注,第338-342页。有趣的是,王阳明也自诩是追随孟子的道路,以对抗当世之异端(包含朱熹的观点)。
[40]郑杰文:《中国墨学通史》,第326页。
[41]见任文利:〈何心隐的思想和其定位〉,《中国哲学史》,2002 年第 3 期,第80-86页。
[42]任继愈、李广星主编:《墨子大全》,第 6 册,第 72-73页。
[43]即使是在接下来的几个世纪,也有各种对孟子之所以严厉批判墨子的解释。许多基于韩愈〈读墨子〉而生的推测。十九世纪的苏时学在《墨子刊误》中推测孟子看到的可能是一个较早(而后散轶)的《墨子》:“疑孟子所辟亦不尽在今所传书。盖所传书乃其徒之说,非墨子之全也。”见同前注,第 14 册,第 293页。
[44]孙诒让:《墨子间诂》,第673页。参见〔清〕汪中著,田汉云点校:《新编汪中集》,扬州:广陵书社2005 年版,第12-13页。
[45]汪中著,田汉云点校:《新编汪中集》,第19-21页。另见〔清〕汪喜孙:〈容甫先生年谱〉,同前书,附录一,第 1页。
[46]同前注 ,第 20页。方濬颐独立列出汪喜孙做出的主要修订。见〈述学校勘记〉 ,同前书 ,附录三,第 69页。
[47]文见〔汉〕司马迁撰,〔宋〕裴骃集解:《史记‧老子韩非列传》,北京:中华书局1995 年版,第2143页。列传接着还引用了《论语》的“道不同,不相为谋”。汪中也在〈墨子序〉中引用此语。
[48]文见孙诒让:《墨子间诂》,第672页。汪中接着强调儒墨的相似之处说:“其在九流之中,惟儒足与之相抗。自余诸子皆非其比。”他并且总结道:“以彼勤生薄死,而务急国家之事,后之从政者固宜假正议以恶之哉!”
[49]〔清〕翁方纲:〈书墨子〉,《复初斋文集》卷 2,收入沈云龙主编:《近代中国史料丛刊》,台北:文海出版社,出版年不详,第 43 辑,第 619页。
[50]孙诒让:《墨子间诂》,第654页。
[51]例如毕沅:〈墨子注叙〉,同前注,第 664页。
[52]孙诒让:〈自序〉,同前注,第2页。
[53]见〈与梁卓如启超论墨子书〉,收入王更生:《籀庼学记:孙诒让先生之生平及其学术》,第 58页。梁启超在 23 岁,也就是 1894 年收到孙诒让的书。他日后回忆道,这本书改变了他对诸子的看法。
[54]孙诒让:《墨子间诂》,第 735-736页。
[55]同前注,第1-2页。
[56]今日学界或多或少还是受孟子对墨子的描绘所左右。如郑杰文:《中国墨学通史》,第146、270页。
[57]除了〈非儒〉与〈墨语〉的某些段落,《墨子》从未攻击儒者。见 Dan Robins, “The Moists and the
Gentlemen of the World,”Journal of Chinese Philosophy 35 (2008): 385-402, esp. 392。
[58]没有迹象显示韩愈(以及在他之前的学者)有读到〈非儒〉篇。
[59]这类研究的例子有Michael Hunter, “Did Mencius Know the Analects?” T’oung Pao 100.1 (2014): 33-79; Esther Klein, “Were there ‘Inner Chapters’ in the Warring States? A New Examination of Evidence about the Zhuangzi,” T’oung Pao 96.4 (2011): 299-369。这些研究并没有全然否定当前的描绘,而只是尝试揭示更多不同的可能性。

Thursday, January 18, 2024

阅读早期中国文本的36条原则

 阅读早期中国文本的36条原则

文丨柯马丁
徐建委初译,沈佳楠校订
1.认真对待所有早期的解释,同时也注意到它们各自的目的和具体的历史背景。熟悉中国近代以前所有的学术研究,但不要将其作为不容置疑的“证据”。 
图片
柯马丁教授的演讲文稿页之一(中国人民大学,2017) 
2.阅读所有的现代学术成果,而不仅仅是汉语文献的学术成果,不管这种广泛的阅读在传统的学术共同体中是否便捷、是否受到期待和赞赏。
3.了解其他古代文明,研究其中的文本如何发挥作用。记住马克斯·穆勒所言:“只知其一便是一无所知。”这句话适用于任何文明,包括自己的文明。
4.对比较视野的应用既要广泛,也需审慎。最好不要试图“证明”某种现象既然在中国之外存在,就一定存在于中国,也不要“证明”不同阐释模式可以轻易挪用。但是,只要我们认识到其他文明的情况,就应当认真对待所有不同的选择和观点。
5.不要把“理论”看作一套特定的准则。相反,只需对材料保持批判性的距离,同时也认识到它在现有理论模型中的前身。
6.将 “文献 "纳入社会、政治、知识、制度和经济背景去考虑。没有任何文本是孤立存在的。
7.不要将后来的观念和文化习惯投射到早期。特别是,不要将帝国时期的观念与习惯投射到帝国以前的时代,也不要不加区分地混淆不同时期的材料。欧洲学者不会用中世纪文本来论证《希伯来圣经》最早文本层的某个问题,我们也不能用战国或秦汉的文本来证明商代或西周的相关问题。
8.需要重视帝国及其新体制带来的变革:文本的形式、功能、性质、储存方式、获取方式和使用方式都发生了根本性的变化。
9.考证所有传统故事起源的时间,或相关材料出现的时刻。重视这些传统智慧的历史性,而不是在方便时简单地使用它们。
10.过去是一个陌生的国度,那里的人做事方式不同。要意识到,一切事物都有历史的偶然性,而且永远在变化。
11.20世纪初出现的对中国早期文学的现代解读,很多未经仔细考证,切勿轻信。它诞生于二十世纪初的学者对中华民族文化起源的探寻,但其对古代文本简单化、表面化的解读,在古代本身并无依据。
12.面对古代文本,首先要回答一些基本问题:什么是文本,其界限是什么?什么是作者?作者、注释者、编辑者(editor)和编纂者(compiler)之间有什么区别,我们又当如何将这些不同的功能置于历史背景中分析?
13.质疑一切对于文体的假设和分类:在早期中国,一首“诗”到底是什么?什么是“历史”写作?
14.永远从文本本身出发。做好所有的机械性工作:检查数据库,对语义和形式特征进行分类,仔细解析文本句法、不拘泥于现有的版本,揭示文本的形式特征以更好地剖析文本。
15.不要把文本解读的困难,特别是语言学意义上的困难,看作是为了理解文本必须移除的绊脚石,而要把它们看作宝贵的证据,支撑起另一种可能的解读。如果抛却这些困难,我们将永远错过另外的可能。掩盖困难往往意味着掩盖那些潜在的、最令人惊喜的洞见。
16.细致全面地识别、分析并深入研究早期文本中的所有语言形式,而不预设其“体裁”。
17.先思考文本形成的不同模式,再接受文本现有的特定形式。
18.不要因为一个文本包含某种特定的表达就认为它是由单一作者所著。文本的表达从来不是作者的表达,它无法直接将我们引向作者的真实心理。此外,文本展现了某个形象,并不意味着这一形象就是文本的作者,无论诗歌还是哲学文本(“诸子”)皆然。即使是看起来高度个人化的文本,例如《离骚》,也可能更适合被理解为一篇汇编而成的缀合性文本。
19.如果我们为一个文本提出了某种作者身份,请记住,这实际上是一种“作者模式”。这种模式对于其他先秦文本是否成立?它是这些文本的最佳解读模式吗?
20.区分所谓的作者和他们的同名文本,并牢记一点:文本的主角不是文本的作者。
21.考虑将单个文本的发展历史化:在我们的想象中,早期“书籍”是如何诞生的?所有先秦文献中的引诗都不超过四句(stanza),那么早期的多章诗歌是如何产生的?文本能否随时间变化,又是如何变化的?
图片
柯马丁教授的演讲文稿页之二(中国人民大学,2017) 
22.反思互文性:为什么同一个故事或同一首诗,在不同的背景下会有不同的版本?这对早期文本的稳定性和流动性可能意味着什么?诸如“复合文本”和“文本素材库”这样的概念是否能够产生效果?有人控制和保护文本的完整性吗?如果有,那么会是谁?请注意,这不可能是文本的作者。
23.不应假设文本之间存在简单的线性关系:如果两篇文本共享一些材料,其中可能有一篇得自第三方,或二者皆然。质疑简单化的“影响”和“引用”概念。
24.考察“文本”和其特定物质载体(如抄本)之间的区别,以及“文本”和其实在化(realization)之间的区别。即便我们拥有一个文本的早期抄本,也不能奉之为圭臬,因为我们不知道同一文本曾经有过多少不同的抄本。
25.不应相信任何文本能够原原本本地展现其原始形态,而要考虑它如今的形态是如何在接受史和重构史中演变而成的。
26.不要天然地重视新发现的文本抄本甚于其传世本;此外,要详尽调查同一文本的两个版本在多大程度上是 “同一文本”,而不是两个相互独立的、源于同一文本素材库的产物。
27.要抵挡诱惑,不去把新发现的证据强行纳入传统学术的阐释体系中。例如:晚近的资料提到子夏,并不意味着他是所谓“孔子诗论”最可能的作者。
28.拒绝“原本”或“定本”的谬论。这是19世纪德国语言学的幻想(phantasy),但并不适用于早期中国文本。相反,要考虑一个文本在时间推移中发生的动态演变,包括在表演背景下的变化。
29.不应相信文本的某个版本是“更真实”或“更原始”的,只因为它“更早”,也不要刻意证明哪些是“早期”的。
30.辨析字与词的关系,不应偏重字的地位,需考虑到先秦时期书写系统的多样性,以及字音对于书写的首要作用。因此,不要把书面文本置于口传文本之上;在绝大多数情况下,读者接触文本的方式是通过听觉而不是阅读。相应地,要仔细考虑其他形式的传播和接受(教学场景、表演等)。
31.不要低估古人记忆大量文本的能力,认真对待知识的产生和传播中的教学场景。
32.我们显然不能否认早期中国有书面文本的存在,但是,如果不将口传文本纳入考虑范围,就会极端简化早期中国的文本模式。事实上,口传文本在当时是压倒性的存在。
33.不要假设古人对文本的总体知识是平衡的,无论是对文本群还是单一文本的具体部分。也不要假设他们有过“辩论”,或知道彼此的“著作”;相反,要尽可能收集证据,以求全面认识他们对特定著作或思想的实际了解。
34.考虑早期文本的物质性和流通性:人们是如何接触到文本的?以何种形式?从何处、由何人得知?文本是如何被抄写的,由谁来抄写?它们是如何传播的?文本作为实物(material artifacts)的功能是什么?
35.不问“证据”,而问“可能性”。提出假说时永远选择例外情况和额外解释最少的那个。对自己的假说提出以下问题:“如果我认为ABC为真,还有什么也必须为真?这样是否合理?我能否证明这一假说包含的所有假设都具有合理性?”
图片
柯马丁教授的演讲文稿页之三(中国人民大学,2017) 
36.对于早期研究者而言,我们没有任何平行材料可以确定为早期文本,我们的工作永远充满猜想。必须表明哪些是主观的猜想,而不能将之作为证据。

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