Friday, October 16, 2020

Notes on Grief by Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie

 


Notes on Grief

The New Yorker · by Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie · September 10, 2020
In memoriam: James Nwoye Adichie, 1932-2020

1.

From England, my brother set up the Zoom calls every Sunday, our boisterous lockdown ritual, two siblings joining from Lagos, three from the United States, and my parents, sometimes echoing and crackly, from Abba, our ancestral home town, in southeastern Nigeria. On June 7th, there was my father, only his forehead on the screen, as usual, because he never quite knew how to hold his phone during video calls. “Move your phone a bit, Daddy,” one of us would say. My father was teasing my brother Okey about a new nickname, then he was saying that he hadn’t had dinner because they’d had a late lunch, then he was talking about the billionaire from the next town who wanted to claim our village’s ancestral land. He felt a bit unwell, had been sleeping poorly, but we were not to worry. On June 8th, Okey went to Abba to see him and said that he looked tired. On June 9th, I kept our chat brief so that he could rest. He laughed quietly when I did my usual playful imitation of a relative. “Ka chi fo,” he said. (“Good night.”) His last words to me. On June 10th, he was gone. My brother Chuks called to tell me, and I came undone.

2.

My four-year-old daughter says I scared her. She gets down on her knees to demonstrate, her small clenched fist rising and falling, and her mimicry makes me see myself as I was, utterly unravelling, screaming and pounding the floor. The news is like a vicious uprooting. I am yanked away from the world I have known since childhood. And I am resistant: my father read the newspaper that afternoon; he joked with Okey about shaving before his appointment with the kidney specialist in Onitsha the next day; he discussed his hospital test results on the phone with my sister Ijeoma, who is a doctor, and so how can this be? But there he is. Okey is holding a phone over my father’s face, and my father looks asleep, his face relaxed, beautiful in repose. Our Zoom call is beyond surreal, all of us weeping and weeping and weeping, in different parts of the world, looking in disbelief at the father we adore now lying still on a hospital bed. It happened a few minutes before midnight, Nigerian time, with Okey by his side and Chuks on speakerphone. I stare and stare at my father. My breathing is difficult. Is this what shock means, that the air turns to glue? My sister Uche says that she has just told a family friend by text, and I almost scream, “No! Don’t tell anyone, because if we tell people, then it becomes true.” My husband is saying, “Breathe slowly; drink some of this water.” My housecoat, my lockdown staple, is lying crumpled on the floor. Later, my brother Kene will jokingly say, “You better not get any shocking news in public, since you react to shock by tearing off your clothes.”

3.

Grief is a cruel kind of education. You learn how ungentle mourning can be, how full of anger. You learn how glib condolences can feel. You learn how much grief is about language, the failure of language and the grasping for language. Why are my sides so sore and achy? It’s from crying, I’m told. I did not know that we cry with our muscles. The pain is not surprising, but its physicality is, my tongue unbearably bitter, as though I ate a loathed meal and forgot to clean my teeth, on my chest a heavy, awful weight, and inside my body a sensation of eternal dissolving. My heart—my actual physical heart, nothing figurative here—is running away from me, has become its own separate thing, beating too fast, its rhythms at odds with mine. This is an affliction not merely of the spirit but of the body. Flesh, muscles, organs are all compromised. No physical position is comfortable. For weeks, my stomach is in turmoil, tense and tight with foreboding, the ever-present certainty that somebody else will die, that more will be lost. One morning, Okey calls me a little earlier than usual, and I think, Just tell me, tell me immediately, who has died now. Is it Mummy?

4.

In my American home, I like to have National Public Radio on as background noise, and whenever my father was staying he would turn it off if nobody was there listening to it.
“I just thought about how Daddy was always turning off the radio and I was always turning it back on. He probably thought it was wasteful in some way,” I tell Okey.
“Like he always wanted to turn off the generator too early in Abba. I’d so happily let him now if he’ll just come back,” Okey says, and we laugh.
“And I will start to wake up early, and I’ll start to eat garri, and I’ll go to Mass every Sunday,” I say, and we laugh.
I retell the story of my parents visiting me in my graduate-student apartment at Yale, where I say, “Daddy, will you have some pomegranate juice? And he says, ‘No, thank you, whatever that is.’ ”
Pomegranate juice became a standing joke. All those standing jokes we had, frequently told and retold, my father’s expression this minute utterly deadpan and, in the next, wide open with delighted laughter. Another revelation: how much laughter is a part of grief. Laughter is tightly braided into our family argot, and now we laugh, remembering my father, but somewhere in the background of the laughter there is a haze of disbelief. The laughter trails off. The laughter becomes tears and becomes sadness and becomes rage. I am unprepared for my wretched, roaring rage. In the face of this inferno that is sorrow, I am callow and unformed. But how is it that in the morning he was joking and talking, and at night he was gone forever? It was so fast, too fast. It was not supposed to happen like this, not like a malicious surprise, not during a pandemic that has shut down the world. Throughout the lockdown, my father and I talked about how strange it all was, how scary, and he told me often not to worry about my doctor husband. “You actually drink warm water, Daddy?” I asked one day, surprised, after he said with sheepish humor that he’d read somewhere that drinking warm water might prevent the coronavirus infection. He laughed at himself and told me that warm water was harmless, after all, not like the nonsense that went around during the Ebola scare, when people were bathing in saline before dawn. To my “How are you, Daddy?,” he would always respond, “Enwerom nsogbu chacha.” (“I have no problems at all. I’m perfectly fine.”) And he really was, until he wasn’t.

5.

Messages pour in, and I look at them as through a mist. Who is this message for? “On the loss of your father,” one says. Whose father? My sister forwards a message from her friend, saying that my father was humble despite his accomplishments. My fingers start to tremble, and I push my phone away. He was not. He is. There is a video of people trooping into our house for mgbalu, to give condolences, and I want to reach in and wrench them away from our living room, where already my mother is settled on the sofa in placid widow pose. A table is in front of her like a barrier, to maintain social distance. Already friends and relatives are saying that this must be done and that must be done. A condolence register must be placed by the front door, and my sister goes off to buy a bolt of white lace to cover the table, and my brother buys a hardcover notebook, and already people are bending to write in the book. I think, Go home! Why are you coming to our house to write in that alien notebook? How dare you make this thing true? Somehow, these well-wishers have become complicit. I feel myself breathing air that is bittersweet with my own conspiracies. Needle pricks of resentment flood through me at the thought of people who are more than eighty-eight years old, older than my father and alive and well. My anger scares me, my fear scares me, and somewhere in there is shame, too—why am I so enraged and so scared? I am afraid of going to bed and of waking up, afraid of tomorrow and all the tomorrows after. I am filled with disbelieving astonishment that the mailman comes as usual and people are inviting me to speak somewhere and regular news alerts appear on my phone screen. How is it that the world keeps going, breathing in and out unchanged, while in my soul there is a permanent scattering?

6.

Grief is forcing new skins on me, scraping scales from my eyes. I regret my past certainties: Surely you should mourn, talk through it, face it, go through it. The smug certainties of a person yet unacquainted with grief. I have mourned in the past, but only now have I touched grief’s core. Only now do I learn, while feeling for its porous edges, that there is no way through. I am in the center of this churning, and I have become a maker of boxes, and inside their unbending walls I cage my thoughts. I torque my mind firmly to its shallow surface alone. I cannot think too much; I dare not think too deeply, or else I will be defeated, not merely by pain but by a drowning nihilism, a cycle of thinking there’s no point, what’s the point, there’s no point to anything. There is a grace in denial, Chuks says, words that I repeat to myself. A refuge, this denial, this refusal to look. Of course, the effort is its own grieving, and so I am un-looking in the oblique shadow of looking, but imagine the catastrophe of a direct, unswerving stare. Often, too, there is the urge to run and run, to hide. But I cannot always run, and each time I am forced to squarely confront my grief—when I read the death certificate, when I draft a death announcement—I feel a shimmering panic. In such moments, I notice a curious physical reaction: my body begins to shake, my fingers tap uncontrollably, one leg bobs. For the first time in my life, I am enamored of sleeping pills, and, in the middle of a shower or a meal, I burst into tears.

7.

My wariness of superlatives is forever stripped away: June 10, 2020, was the worst day of my life. The week before June 10th, while running around playing with my daughter, I fell and hit my head and suffered a concussion. For days, I felt unmoored, sensitive to sound and light. I did not call my parents daily as usual. When I finally called, my father wanted to talk not about his feeling unwell but about my head. Concussions can be slow to heal, he told me. “You just said ‘concoction’; the word is ‘concussion,’ ” my mother said from the background. I wish I had not missed those few days of calling them, because I would have sensed that he wasn’t only mildly unwell, and I would have insisted that he go to the hospital much sooner. I wish, I wish. The guilt gnaws at my soul. I think of all the things that could have happened and all the ways that the world could be reshaped, to prevent what happened on June 10th, to make it un-happen. I worry about Okey, a stalwart, sensitive soul, whose burden is different from ours because he is the one who was there. He agonizes about what else he could have done when my father that night started to show discomfort, telling him, “Help me sit up” and then saying, no, he would rather lie back down. Okey says that my father prayed, calmly, quietly, what sounded like lines from the rosary in Igbo. Does it comfort me to hear this? Only in the sense that it must have comforted my father.
The cause was complications from kidney failure. An infection, the doctor said, exacerbated his long-term kidney disease. But what infection? Of course, I wonder about the coronavirus. Some journalists had come to our house to interview him a few weeks before, about the case of the billionaire who wanted to take our home town’s land—a dispute that consumed my father these past two years. Might he have been exposed then? The doctor doesn’t think so, even though he was not tested, because he would have had symptoms, and nobody else around him had symptoms. He needed hydration, and so he was admitted to the hospital and put on I.V. fluids. Okey stripped the tatty hospital bedsheets and brought sheets from home.

8.

Because I loved my father so much, so fiercely, so tenderly, I always at the back of my mind feared this day. But lulled by his relative good health, I thought we had time. I thought it was not yet time. “I was so sure Daddy was nineties material,” my brother Kene says. We all did. But did I sense a truth that I also fully denied? Did my spirit know, the way anxiety sat sharp like claws in my stomach once I heard that he was unwell, the hovering, darkening pall that I could neither name nor shake off? I am the Family Worrier, but even for me it was extreme, how desperately I wished that Nigerian airports were open so I could get on a flight to Lagos, and then on a flight to Asaba and drive the hour to my home town to see my father for myself. So I knew. I was so close to my father that I knew, without wanting to know, without fully knowing that I knew. A thing like this, dreaded for so long, comes at last, and among the avalanche of emotions there is a bitter and unbearable relief. It comes as a form of aggression, this relief, bringing with it strangely pugnacious thoughts. Enemies beware: the worst has happened; my father is gone; my madness will now bare itself.

9.

How quickly my life has become another life, how pitiless this becoming is, and yet how slow I am to adapt. Okey sends me a video of an elderly woman who walks through our front door, crying, and I think, I have to ask Daddy who she is. In that small moment, what has been true for the forty-two years of my life is still true—that my father is tactile, inhaling, exhaling, reachable to talk to and to watch the twinkle of his eyes behind his glasses. Then, with a horrible lurch, I remember again. That brief forgetting feels like both a betrayal and a blessing. Do I forget because I am not there? I think so. My brother and sister are there, face to face with the desolation of a house without my father. They can see that he is not at the dining table for breakfast, on his chair backing the window’s light, and that after breakfast he is not settled on the sofa in his midmorning ritual of napping, reading, and napping again. If only I could be there, too, but I am stuck in America, my frustration like a blister, scouring for news on when the Nigerian airports will open. Even the Nigerian authorities don’t seem to know. A report says July, then August, then we hear it might be in October, but the aviation minister tweets to say “may be earlier than October.” Maybe, maybe not, like playing yo-yo with a cat.

10.

I back away from condolences. People are kind, people mean well, but knowing this does not make their words rankle less. “On the demise of your father.” Demise. A favorite of Nigerians, it conjures for me dark distortions. “He is resting” brings not comfort but a scoff that trails its way to pain. He could very well be resting in his room in our house in Abba, fan whirring warm air, his bed strewn with folded newspapers, a sudoku book, an old brochure from a funeral, a Knights of St. Mulumba calendar, a bag filled with his bottles of medicine, and his notebooks with the carefully lined pages, where he recorded every single thing he ate, a diabetic’s account-taking. “He is in a better place” is startling in its presumptuousness and has a taint of the inapt. How would you know—and shouldn’t I, the bereaved, be privy to this information first; should I really be learning this from you? “He was eighty-eight” so deeply riles because age is irrelevant in grief; at issue is not how old he was but how loved. “It has happened so just celebrate his life,” an old friend wrote, and it incensed me—how facile to preach about the permanence of death, when it is, in fact, the permanence of death that is the source of anguish. I wince now at the words I said in the past to grieving friends. “Find peace in your memories,” I used to say. Rather than succor, my memories bring eloquent stabs of pain that say, “This is what you will never again have.”
What does not feel like the deliberate prodding of wounds is a simple “I’m sorry,” because in its banality it presumes nothing. Ndo, in Igbo, comforts more, a word that is “sorry,” with a metaphysical heft. Concrete and sincere memories from those who knew him comfort the most, and it warms me that the same words recur: “honest,” “calm,” “kind,” “strong,” “quiet,” “simple,” “peaceful,” “integrity.” My mother says that Ayogu called her to say that my father was the only boss who “never gave him any trouble.” I remember Ayogu, tall with a genteel manner, my father’s driver when my father was the deputy vice-chancellor of the University of Nigeria, in the nineteen-eighties. Was it Ayogu, or was it the other driver, Kevin, the charming firebrand, of whom my father once calmly said, when I had asserted with the haughtiness of a seven-year-old that I wanted my driver to take me to school, “He is my driver, not your driver.”

11.

There is value in that Igbo way, that African way, of grappling with grief, the performative, expressive outward mourning, where you take every call and you tell and retell the story of what happened, where isolation is anathema and “stop crying” a refrain. But I am not ready. I talk only to my closest family. It is instinctive, my recoiling. I imagine the bewilderment of some relatives, their disapproval even. At first, it is a protective stance, but later it is because I want to sit alone with my grief.

12.

My parents’ cold-weather clothes hang in the closet of the guest room that my daughter calls “Grandpa and Grandma’s room.” I touch my father’s puffy olive jacket. In the drawer are his maps of Maryland, just as he has maps of New England in a drawer in my sister’s Connecticut home. During the months that he and my mother spent yearly in the U.S., he would study his beloved maps, the boundaries of counties, what was north and south of what, and trace every journey, even trips out to brunch. Scenes from my father’s last visit: He is walking up and down the driveway, his daily morning exercise, no longer as briskly as before, and he has decided to keep count with stones, and so we find a pile of stones near the front door. He is getting cookies in the pantry, blithely unaware of his trail of crumbs. He is standing right in front of the television, his code for “you all need to stop talking,” watching Rachel Maddow, whom he calls “bright,” while shaking his head at the imbroglio America has become.

13.

I reread “Biography of Nigeria’s Foremost Professor of Statistics, Prof. James Nwoye Adichie,” by Emeritus Professor Alex Animalu, Professor Peter I. Uche, and Jeff Unaegbu, published in 2013, three years before my father was made professor emeritus of the University of Nigeria. The printing is uneven, the pages slightly askew, but I feel a euphoric rush of gratitude to the authors. Why does this line—“the children and I adore him”—from my mother’s tribute soothe me so; why does it feel pacifying and prophetic? It pleases me that it exists, forever declared in print. I rummage in my study for the old letters he sent from Nigeria when I first came to the U.S. to attend college, and when I find them there is an intense pathos to looking at his handwriting. It tells his story, that handwriting, the curvy script of a certain kind of colonial African education, prudent and proper, Latin-loving and rule-following. Nnem ochie, he called me. (“My grandmother.”) He always ended with “Your dad” and his signature. He wrote his signature even on our birthday cards, which made my siblings and I laugh. “Daddy, it’s not a university memo,” we’d say. I look everywhere for the piece of paper on which he drew for me our family tree going back four generations, and I cannot find it—and that I cannot find it causes me distress for days, boxes and files flung open, papers thrown aside. I look at old photographs, and from time to time my whole body swells with a sob. My father often looked stiff in photos because he grew up knowing photography as a rare and formal event at which you dressed up and sat, uncomfortable, before a man with a tripod. “Daddy, relax; Daddy, smile.” Sometimes I tried pinching his neck. There is a photo of him I remember taking. He is at our messy dining table in Nsukka, at the house on the campus of the University of Nigeria where I grew up. Our head-rubbing ritual began there. I was in secondary school when his bald patch first appeared, and I would come up behind him at the dining table and rub it, and he, without pausing in whatever he was saying, would gently slap my hand away. I watch videos, saved on my computer, that feel like revelations because I do not remember them, even though I made some of them. We are having breakfast in my Lagos home, and I am pretending to be a Nigerian journalist asking my father about his courtship with my mother while he ignores me with a small smile on his face. We are in our house in Abba, and my daughter, who is three years old, is crying because she wants to skip breakfast and play, and my father holds her and tells her nanny to take the food away and let her play.

14.

In my study, I find his old sudoku books, the squares filled with his numbers, upright and confident, and I remember us driving to a bookshop in Maryland to buy these some years ago. He bought me one to try because “it’s very good,” but trying the first puzzle revived my hatred of mathematics, and I remembered my father coaching me and how he said, as I stalled in solving a long equation, “Yes, you’re getting there; don’t doubt yourself; don’t stop.” Is that why I believe now in always trying? It is, of course, too easy to draw simple causative lines. It was the wholeness of him that formed me, but it was also these incidents, slice by slice.
In secondary school, my friends and I once took a problem to the timid new mathematics teacher, Mr. O., and, glancing at the thorny problem, he hastily said that he needed to go and get his four-figure table, even though the problem didn’t require a four-figure table. We left his office, roaring with teen-age mirth. I told my father about this, expecting his laughter. But he didn’t laugh. “The man is not a good teacher, not because he didn’t know how to solve it but because he didn’t say he didn’t know.” Is that how I became a person confident enough to say that I don’t know when I don’t know? My father taught me that learning is never-ending.
Often I hailed him by his title “Odelu-Ora Abba,” whose literal translation is “One Who Writes for Our Community.” And he would hail me, too, and his hailing me was a love-drenched litany of affirmation. “Ome ife ukwu” was the most common. (“The One Who Does Great Things.”) I find the others difficult to translate: “nwoke neli” is roughly “the equivalent of many men,” and “ogbata ogu ebie” is “the one whose arrival ends the battle.” Is he the reason I have never been afraid of the disapproval of men? I think so.

15.

No one was prepared for how deeply besotted with sudoku my father became after he retired, much to my mother’s irritation.
“He won’t eat,” she would say, “because he’s busy playing sudoku.”
“You don’t play sudoku,” he would reply mildly. “It’s not Ludo.”
And I would quip, “James and Grace, bickering since 1963.”
My mother’s first words when Okey walked into her room on the night of June 10th and turned on the light and told her were “How can?”—Nigerian-speak for “it can’t be, that’s impossible.” And then she added the words that seared their way into our hearts on that Zoom call: “But he didn’t tell me anything.” Because he would have told her. They were like that. If he was going to leave us forever, he would have told her, and so his not having told her meant that it could not be true. She was in the hospital until a few hours before and had come home to get some sleep and then return for the trip to the kidney specialist in Onitsha. “I already brought out his sweater in case he gets cold,” she said.
Their courting story charmed me. It began on a farm in 1960, with neither of them present. A relative of his was boasting about the bright young man who had just started teaching at a university and was looking for an educated wife. A relative of hers said that she was educated and beautiful, fair as an egret. Fair as an egret! Another standing family joke.
“Daddy, so you just get up and drive to a town you don’t know to ‘see’ a girl you heard about?” I teased often. But it was how things were done. My mother liked his quietness. When her family at first resisted because he wasn’t as flashy or as wealthy as her other suitors, my mother said that she would not marry anyone else. I called him D.O.S., Defender of Spouse, for how quick he always was to support my mother. One afternoon, when she was a deputy registrar—she became the first woman to be the registrar at the University of Nigeria—he came home gleeful, chortling while loosening his tie, swollen with pride about her speech at the university senate meeting. “Mummy was fantastic,” he told my brothers and me.

16.

Okey tells me that he slipped Daddy’s watch into his pocket that night and sends me a photo, the blue-faced silver watch that Kene bought a few years ago. We were amused that my father started wearing it right away; we bought him things that he never used because, he said, his shirt from 1970 or his shoes from 1985 were still perfectly fine. I begin to look at the photo of the watch often, day after day, as if in pilgrimage. I remember it resting on my father’s wrist and my father often looking at it. This is an archetypal image of my father, his face bent to his watch, checking the time, a hyper-punctual man; for him, being on time was almost a moral imperative.
Childhood was my father downstairs on Sunday mornings, ready for Mass an hour before everyone else, walking up and down to hurry us up. In those years, he seemed remote. My mother was the warm, accessible parent, and he the man in the study writing statistics and talking to himself. I was vaguely proud of him. I didn’t know then that he was Nigeria’s first professor of statistics, but I knew that he had become a full professor long before the fathers of my friends, because there was a boy at school who called me “Nwa Professor” (“Professor’s Child”). In my later teen-age years, I began to see him, to see how alike we were in our curiosity and our homebody-ness, and to talk to him and to adore him. How exquisitely he paid attention, how present he was, how well he listened. If you told him something, he remembered. His humor, already dry, crisped deliciously as he aged.

17.

My best friend, Uju, tells me how my father turned to her at the end of my Harvard Class Day speech, in 2018, and, in a voice more powerful for being muted, said, “Look, they are all standing for her.” I weep at this. Part of grief’s tyranny is that it robs you of remembering the things that matter. His pride in me mattered, more than anyone else’s. He read everything I wrote, and his comments ranged from “this isn’t coherent at all” to “you have outdone yourself.” Each time I travelled for speaking events, I would send him my itinerary, and he sent texts to follow my progress. “You must be about to go onstage,” he would write. “Go and shine. Ome ife ukwu!” Once, I was travelling to Denmark, and, after wishing me a safe journey, he added, in his deadpan tone, “And when you get to Denmark, look for Hamlet’s house.”

18.

I not only adored my father in that classic manner of a daddy’s girl, but I also liked him so much. I like him. His grace and his wisdom and his simplicity and how utterly unimpressionable he was. I liked his luminous, moderate faith, strong but worn lightly. If you expected my father to stay a weekend anywhere, you had to find the nearest Roman Catholic church. When I first moved to Maryland, I worried that St. John the Evangelist, in an interfaith center in Columbia, with a guitar-playing choir—would be off-putting to him, nothing like his stained-glass Catholicism, but he pronounced the priest “very good” and happily went every Sunday. I liked that his response to power was a shrug. He worshipped integrity. He was indifferent to, if not distrustful of, grand flourishes.
“I have eight cars,” my sister’s wealthy suitor once boasted, and my father replied, “Why?”
He was not materialistic, and this would not be so remarkable if he were not a Nigerian living in Nigeria, with its hard-nosed grasping ethos, its untrammelled acquisitiveness from bottom to top. I liked his sense of duty. There was something in his nature that was capacious, a spirit that could stretch; he absorbed bad news, he negotiated, compromised, made decisions, laid down rules, held relatives together. Much of it was due to his having been born the first son in an Igbo family and having risen to its mesh of expectations and dispensations.
I liked, too, his appreciation for the properness of things. His meticulous record-keeping, the rows of files in his cabinet: each child had files for primary, secondary, and university records, and every domestic helper who ever lived with us had a file. Once, in the middle of watching an American newscast, he turned to me and asked, “What does this word ‘nuke’ mean?” And when I told him, he said, “Nuclear weapons are too serious to be given nicknames.”
“You have a particular laugh when you’re with Daddy, even when what he says isn’t funny,” my husband said. I recognized the high-pitched cackle he mimicked, and I knew that it was not so much about what my father said as it was about being with him. A laugh that I will never laugh again. “Never” feels so unfairly punitive. For the rest of my life, I will live with my hands outstretched for things that are no longer there.

19.

Last Christmas, at a housewarming party in my sister Ijeoma’s country home, my father was the patriarch and cynosure, seated in the middle of the living room, blessing the kola nut, sipping a little champagne, even though he hardly drank, and telling stories. Relatives arrived and went straight to pay him homage. He received a WhatsApp message sometime that afternoon but said nothing about it until we were back home, at night. He handed me his phone and said, “Read this. It appears this man has truly gone mad.”
“This man” was the billionaire out to seize the vast expanse of ancestral land that belongs to my hometown, Abba. Land is the jewel of Igbo cosmology, and who owns land is often about stories—whose grandfather’s grandfather farmed it, which clan migrated and which was indigenous. Land is also the thorn in so many disputes; I know of extended families torn apart while fighting over a piece of land not big enough to park a car on. The land in question has been farmed by Abba people for decades, but, at the end of the Biafran war, with the whole of Igboland in disarray, an old order gone and a new yet to be formed, the town next to ours suddenly claimed that it was theirs. Abba went to court, and the case has been tied up for years. Many people in Abba believed the billionaire was responsible for the arbitrary arrests and detention of villagers, to scare the town into giving up its claim to the land. A market was bulldozed. Compound walls were broken. (His brother disputed the claims in an interview with the Guardian.) Nobody in Abba was close to having the wealth and political connections of the billionaire, but there was a straight-talking businessman, Ikemba Njikoka, who was funding my home town’s legal expenses and speaking publicly about the billionaire’s conduct. He himself had been threatened. The WhatsApp message on my father’s phone had been forwarded by Ikemba Njikoka, saying that “you” would be arrested at a town hall meeting this weekend.
My father, not WhatsApp savvy, did not realize that it was a forwarded message and thought that he was about to be illegally arrested. He had spent the day silently burdened by this.
“Daddy, you should have said something earlier,” I said.
“I didn’t want to spoil Ijeoma’s day,” he said.
It angers me that my father’s last months were beclouded by the actions of a diminutive self-styled philanthropist drunk on oil wealth and bereft of scruples. It angers me, how worried I was for my parents’ safety, especially in late 2019, when the billionaire began a brazen campaign against my home town. “This is wrong,” my father said often, with a moral shiver, as though it were unfathomable that a wealthy Nigerian man would act this way. Just as when he talked about exam cheating—a phenomenon so common in Nigeria as to be ordinary, but each occurrence my father heard or read about left him newly appalled. His was a kind of naïveté, an innocence of the just. When my brothers and I surprised him on his eightieth birthday, arriving at our parents’ flat in Nsukka from the U.S. and the U.K., he kept looking at my mother in bewilderment, that she could have “lied” to him. “But you said some friends were coming. You didn’t say the children were coming.”

20.

“Mama is sad because Grandpa died,” my four-year-old daughter says to her cousin. “Died.” She knows the word “died.” She pulls tissues out of a box and hands them to me, and her emotional alertness moves, surprises, impresses me. A few days later, she asks, “When will Grandpa wake up again?”
I weep and weep and wish that her understanding of the world were real. That grief was not about the utter impossibility of return.
One morning, I am watching a video on my phone of my father, and my daughter glances at my screen and then swiftly places her hand over my eyes. “I don’t want you to watch the video of Grandpa because I don’t want you to cry,” she says. She is hawkeyed in her vigilance of my tears.
A scene from my daughter’s first months: My father is hurrying upstairs. My daughter is a howling baby downstairs in my mother’s care, and he has been sent up for the pacifier, whose name he does not remember, and so he urgently gestures to his mouth and tells me “mouth plug!” Months later, my daughter’s potty training has reached the milestone of pee, and now she has been cajoled to sit on the potty and do more than pee, a rapt audience of family watching her, and my father wanders in and mildly asks, “Would any of you go if you had so many people watching you?”

21.

The dictates of Igbo culture, this immediate pivot from pain to planning. Just the other day, my father was on our Zoom call, and now, on this Zoom call, we are supposed to plan. To plan is to appease the egos of church and traditional groups and to get a burial date approved, which cannot be during the New Yam Festival—or any other community ceremonial—and must be a Friday, because the parish priest buries the elderly only on Fridays. But the most important thing is “clearance”—it is a word thrown about in English, “clearance.” Clearance attests to how deeply, how forcefully communitarian Igbo culture remains. Clearance means that any outstanding dues to the age grade, the town union, the village, the clan, the umunna, must be paid; otherwise, the funeral will be boycotted. A potent threat, the shunning of a funeral. To most Igbo people, at least those of my father’s generation, an almost existential fear is to be deprived of a proper funeral. It is common to hear stories of grieving families outraged by the manipulation of village groups who ask for money, this their only chance to exercise a trifling power. My father was diligent with dues, so Okey runs around to get all the receipts. There are long lists of what each group expects from us. How many coolers of rice, whether a gift of a chicken or a goat will be presented, how many cartons of beer. I look at the lists askance. It’s not a bloody party. I don’t care what we wear or what the caterer cooks or what groups come or don’t come, because I am still sinking. But I have to care; these things mattered to my father. “Think of what Daddy would want,” Chuks says, comforting me.
My grandfather died in the Biafran war, in a refugee camp, buried in an unmarked grave, and one of the first things my father did after the war was to organize a belated funeral ceremony. And so I try to remind myself that my father would want things done as they are done. There is much I find beautiful in Igbo culture, and much I quarrel with, and it is not the celebratory nature of funerals that I dislike but how soon they have to be. My mother says that some widows have come to tell her what the custom is. First, the widow will be shaved bald—and, before she can continue, my brothers promptly say that this is ridiculous and not going to happen. I say that nobody ever shaves men bald when their wives die; nobody ever makes men eat plain food for days; nobody expects the bodies of men to wear the imprint of their loss. But my mother says that she wants to do it all: “I’ll do everything that is done. I’ll do it for Daddy.”
A friend sends me a line from a novel I wrote: “Grief was the celebration of love, those who could feel real grief were lucky to have loved.” How odd to find it so exquisitely painful to read my own words.

22.

Imagine dreading a burial and yet longing for it to pass. We have settled on a date, September 4th, and the bishop has kindly agreed to say Mass. It will be a COVID-compliant ceremony, face masks will be required, and guests will be served in the homes of various neighbors, to maintain social-distancing rules. I am to draft the invitation. Writing “burial” is impossible for me. My best friend, Uju, types it because, at first, I cannot. But a day before we print, there are rumors that the Nigerian airports will no longer open in August. The news is haphazard—even basic information is uncoördinated—and it is all the more confounding because in neighboring countries the airports are open. Nigeria, as usual, making everything more difficult than it should be. The incompetence is iridescent, splaying, touching, tainting with its many-pronged evil shine. Disillusionment with the land of my birth has been my life’s constant, but an animosity this astringent is new. I felt something like it only once before, when my father was kidnapped, in 2015, by a group of men in collusion with his driver, who told him to ask his famous daughter to pay the ransom. Of the men who threw him into the boot of a car and left him for three days in a forest, only his driver has been caught. I have never been as grateful for my father’s dual Nigerian-American citizenship—thanks to my older sisters, who were born in America—as I then was. The Nigerian government was spiritless while the American ambassador checked in and called and sent a counsellor and a kind investigator, who coached my mother on how to talk to the kidnappers. And after Okey dropped a bag full of cash under a tree in a remote area, my father was released, rattled but calm—that capacious thing in him again.
“They didn’t pronounce your name properly, so I told them the correct pronunciation,” he told me. He seemed visibly upset only when he told us how the kidnappers had said, “Your children don’t love you” and how he had responded, “Don’t say that about my children.” After the kidnapping, my father said that he could no longer live in Nsukka; he wanted to move to “the village,” our ancestral home town Abba.
“I don’t ever want to be on that road again,” he said of the pothole-riven way where the kidnappers had cut him off and where his driver, pretending to be shocked, had stopped the car. The kidnapping brought out a new vulnerability in him, a vulnerability that was willingly laid bare, a softening of his carapace. With his vulnerability also came an old-man stubbornness, the occasional cantankerousness, which sometimes annoyed but mostly amused us.
And so September 4th is impossible. The Nigerian government announces that the airports will now open in late August, and my mother returns to the church to get a new date. It is now October 9th. The next day, a Nigerian newspaper reports that the government has said that the opening is tentative—maybe, maybe not. My mother is desperate for a firm date. “After the burial, we can begin to heal,” she says. I am heartsick to see her look so brave and so drained.

23.

The waiting, the not knowing. All over southeastern Nigeria, mortuaries are over-full because the coronavirus has delayed funerals. It doesn’t matter that this mortuary is supposed to be the best in Anambra State. You have to visit often and tip the morticians; there are horror stories of loved ones being brought out of mortuaries looking unrecognizable. Every week, Okey goes to check on things and emerges wounded. It is as if every week he witnesses again this so fiercely unwanted transubstantiation. I have to brace myself to hear. Or I don’t want to hear. “Maybe stop going?” I suggest to him. “Let’s get somebody not close to us to go.” And Okey says, “I’ll go every week until we are able to lay him to rest. Daddy would do the same for any of us.”

24.

One night, in a vivid dream, my father comes back. He is sitting on his usual sofa in the living room in Abba, and then at some point it becomes the living room in Nsukka. The hospital made a mistake. What about my brother Okey’s visits to the mortuary? Also a case of mistaken identity. I am ecstatic but worried that it might be a dream, and so, in the dream, I slap my arm to make sure that it is not a dream and still my father is sitting there talking quietly. I wake up with a pain so confounding that it fills up my lungs. How can your unconscious turn on you with such cruelty?

25.

My mother tells a story of my father, in our university house in Nsukka, in the nineteen-eighties, once jumping out of the bath and dashing, still wet, to his study because he had finally figured out a problem. He loved academics but not its politics. “When I was made deputy vice-chancellor,” he told me, “I couldn’t wait to leave all the squabbling and get back to teaching.” He studied mathematics at Ibadan, Nigeria’s premier university college, then affiliated with the University of London, and when he went to the University of California, Berkeley, to do a Ph.D. in statistics, on a USAID scholarship, he felt his British training was at odds with the American way. He faltered. He decided that he would leave the program and return to Nigeria, but his adviser, Erich Lehmann, encouraged him, telling him that he, too, had come to the U.S. with British training. “He was a very kind man,” my father said often, one kind person admiring another. He and my mother were asked to dinner at Lehmann’s home, and they dressed up in Nigerian abada, and on the way a little boy pointed at my father and said, “he’s wearing funny clothes”—a story that still amused my father decades later.
He returned to Nigeria with my mother and my sisters shortly before the Biafran war started. In that war, all his books were burned by Nigerian soldiers. Mounds of charred pages in a pile in my parents’ front yard, where they once grew roses. His colleagues in America sent him books to replace those that were lost; they even sent him bookshelves. I remember my father telling me how much he admired the great African-American mathematician David Blackwell, and, in my novel “Half of a Yellow Sun,” a character whose books have been lost in the Biafran war is sent books from America, with a note that reads, “For a war-robbed colleague from fellow admirers of David Blackwell in the brotherhood of mathematicians.” I now do not remember whether I made up that line or whether my father got a similar note.
In 1984, my father taught for a year at San Diego State University, and he spoke fondly of his friend Chuck Bell, an African-American academic who helped him get settled. One day, he recounted, Bell opens the fridge in my father’s apartment to get something to drink, sees a crate of eggs, and shouts, “Jim!” My father, alarmed, asks what is wrong, and Bell says, “You can’t eat eggs. They’ll kill you—too much cholesterol. You must throw them away now.”
My father told this story wryly, as if to say, “Of all the things to tell me not to eat!” and “Who knows what Americans will come up with next!”
“You can’t eat eggs!” I’d say to my father at breakfast as he spooned egg sauce onto a slice of yam.

26.

I last saw my father in person on March 5th, just before the coronavirus changed the world. Okey and I went from Lagos to Abba. “Don’t tell anyone I’m coming,” I told my parents, to ward off visitors. “I just want a long weekend of bonding with you two.”
The photos from that visit make me weep. In the selfies we took just before Okey and I left, my father is smiling and then laughing because Okey and I are being goofy. I had no idea. I planned to be back in May for a longer visit so that we could finally record some of the stories he had told me over the years about his grandmother, his father, his childhood. He would finally show me where his grandmother’s sacred tree had stood. I had not known this part of Igbo cosmology—that some people believed that a special tree, called an ogbu chi, was the repository of their chi, their personal spirit. My father’s father was kidnapped in his youth by relatives and taken to be sold to Aro slave traders, but they rejected him because of a large sore on his leg (he walked, my father said, with a slight limp), and, when he returned home, his mother looked and saw that it was him, and, crying and screaming, she ran to her tree to touch it, to thank her chi for saving her son.
My father’s past is familiar to me because of stories told and retold, and yet I always planned to document them better, to record him speaking. I kept planning to, thinking we had time. “We will do it next time, Daddy,” I’d say, and he would say, “O.K. Next time.” There is a sensation that is frightening, of a receding, of an ancestry slipping away, but at least I am left with enough for myth, if not memory.

27.

On March 28th, my favorite aunt, my mother’s younger sister Caroline, died suddenly of a brain aneurysm, in a British hospital that was already locked down because of the coronavirus. A joyous woman. We were stunned by sadness. The virus brought close the possibility of dying, the commonness of dying, but there was a semblance of control if you stayed home, if you washed your hands. With her death, the idea of control was gone. Death could just come hurtling at you, as it had with her—perfectly fine one moment, and the next she had a very bad headache, and the next she was gone. A dark time inexorably darkened. She lived with my parents for many years before I was born, and, to my sisters, she was more a big sister than an aunt. I look back now at my father saying that her death was “shocking” in a voice strained by that shock, and I imagine the universe further plotting sinisterly. In June, he would go, and a month later, on July 11th, his only sister, my Aunt Rebecca, heartbroken about the brother she had spoken to every day, would go, too, in the same hospital as my father. An erosion, a vile rushing of floods, leaving our family forever misshapen. The layers of loss make life feel papery thin.

28.

Why does the image of two red butterflies on a T-shirt make me cry? We don’t know how we will grieve until we grieve. I don’t particularly like T-shirts, but I spend hours on a customization Web site, designing T-shirts to memorialize my father, trying out fonts and colors and images. On some, I put his initials, J.N.A., and, on others, the Igbo words “omekannia” and “oyilinnia”—which are similar in meaning, both a version of “her father’s daughter” but more exultant, more pride-struck.
Have T-shirts ever offered such escape? Often, I pause to cry. Often, I think about what he would think of them. He viewed my interest in fashion, especially my less conventional choices, with an accepting amusement. He once said, of a pair of balloon-cut trousers I wore to an event, “Nke dika mmuo.” (“This one looks like a masquerade.”) “Masquerade” is perhaps not the word I would have chosen, but I did see his point. He would approve of some of these T-shirts, I think. It is design as therapy, filling the silences I choose, because I must spare my loved ones my endless roiling thoughts. I must conceal just how hard grief’s iron clamp is. I finally understand why people get tattoos of those they have lost. The need to proclaim not merely the loss but the love, the continuity. I am my father’s daughter: it is an act of resistance and refusal, grief telling you that it is over and your heart saying that it is not, grief trying to shrink your love to the past and your heart saying that it is present.
It does not matter whether I want to be changed, because I am changed. A new voice is pushing itself out of my writing, full of the closeness I feel to death, the awareness of my own mortality, so finely threaded, so acute. A new urgency. An impermanence in the air. I must write everything now, because who knows how long I have? One day, Okey sends a text that reads “I miss his dry humor and how he would do a funny little dance when he was happy and how he would pat your cheek and say ‘never mind.’ ” It makes my heart leap. Of course, I remember how my father always said “never mind” to make us feel better about something, but that Okey has remembered it, too, makes it feel newly true. Grief has, as one of its many egregious components, the onset of doubt. No, I am not imagining it. Yes, my father truly was lovely.

29.

I am writing about my father in the past tense, and I cannot believe I am writing about my father in the past tense.

You Talkin’ to Me? The Unruly History of New York English

 


You Talkin’ to Me? The Unruly History of New York English

By E J White

Oxford University Press 296pp £14.99 order from our bookshop
You know how to have a polite conversation, right? You listen, wait for a pause, say your bit, then shut up so someone else can speak. In other words, you take your turn.
You’re obviously not from New York.
To an outsider, someone from, say, Toronto or Seattle or London, a conversation among New Yorkers may resemble a verbal wrestling match. Everyone seems to talk at once, butting in with questions and comments, being loud, rude and aggressive. Actually, according to the American linguist E J White, they’re just being nice.
When they talk simultaneously, raise the volume and insert commentary (‘I knew he was trouble’, ‘I hate that!’), New Yorkers aren’t trying to hijack the conversation, White says. They’re using ‘cooperative overlap’, ‘contextualization cues’ (like vocal pitch) and ‘cooperative interruption’ to keep the talk perking merrily along. To them, argument is engagement, loudness is enthusiasm and interruption means they’re listening, she writes. Behaviour that would stop a conversation dead in Milwaukee nudges it forward in New York.
Why do New Yorkers talk this way? Perhaps, White says, because it’s the cultural norm among many of the communities that have come to make up the city: eastern European Jews, Italians, and Puerto Ricans and other Spanish speakers. As for the famous New York accent, that’s something else again.
White, who teaches the history of language at Stony Brook University, New York, argues that ‘Americans sound the way they do because New Yorkers sound the way they do’. In You Talkin’ to Me? she makes a convincing case that the sounds of standard American English developed, at least in part, as a backlash against immigration and the accent of New York.
Although the book is aimed at general readers, it’s based on up-to-the-minute research in the relatively new field of historical sociolinguistics. (Here a New Yorker would helpfully interrupt, ‘Yeah, which is what?’) Briefly, it is about how and why language changes. Its central premise is that things like social class, gender, age, group identity and notions of prestige, all working in particular historical settings, are what drive change.
Take one of the sounds typically associated with New York speech – the oi that’s heard when ‘bird’ is pronounced boid, ‘earl’ oil, ‘certainly’ soitanly, and so on. Here’s a surprise. That oi, White says, was ‘a marker of upper-class speech’ in old New York, a prestige pronunciation used by Teddy Roosevelt and the Four Hundred who rubbed elbows in Mrs Astor’s ballroom. Here’s another surprise. The pronunciation is now defunct and exists only as a stereotype. It retired from high society after the First World War and by mid-century it was no longer part of New York speech in general. Yet for decades afterwards it persisted in sitcoms, cartoons and the like. Although extinct ‘in the wild’ (as linguists like to say), it lives on in a mythological ‘New York City of the mind’.
Another feature of New York speech, one that survives today, though it’s weakening, is the dropping of r after a vowel in words like ‘four’ (foah), ‘park’ (pahk) and ‘never’ (nevuh). This was also considered a prestige pronunciation in the early 1900s, White says, not just in New York City but in much of New England and the South as well, where it was valued for its resemblance to cultivated British speech. Until sometime in the 1950s, in fact, it was considered part of what elocutionists used to call ‘General American’. It was taught, the author writes, not only to schoolchildren on the East Coast, but also to aspiring actors, public speakers and social climbers nationwide. But here, too, change lay ahead.
While r-dropping is still heard in New York, Boston and pockets along the Eastern Seaboard, it has all but vanished in the South and was never adopted in the rest of the United States. Here the author deftly unravels an intriguing mystery: why the most important city in the nation, its centre of cultural and economic power, does not provide, as is the case with other countries, the standard model for its speech.
To begin with, White reminds us, the original Americans always pronounced r, as the British did in colonial times. Only in the late 18th century did the British stop pronouncing r after a vowel. Not surprisingly, the colonists who remained in the big East Coast seaports and had regular contact with London adopted the new British pronunciation. But those who settled inland retained the old r and never lost it. (As White says, this means that Shakespeare’s accent was probably more like standard American today than Received Pronunciation.)
Posh eastern universities also helped to turn the nation’s accent westward. Towards the end of the First World War, White says, Ivy League schools fretted that swelling numbers of Jewish students, admitted on merit alone, would discourage enrolment from the Protestant upper class. Admissions practices changed. In the 1920s, elite schools began to recruit students from outside New York’s orbit and to ask searching questions about race, religion, colour and heritage. The result, White says, was that upper-crust institutions ‘shifted their preference for prestige pronunciation toward the “purer” regions of the West and the Midwest, where Protestants of “Nordic” descent were more likely to live’. Thus notions about what constituted ‘educated’ American speech gradually shifted.
Another influence, the author writes, was the Midwestern-sounding radio and television ‘network English’ that was inspired by the Second World War reporting of Edward R Murrow and the ‘Murrow Boys’ he recruited to CBS from the nation’s interior. Murrow’s eloquent, authoritative reports, heard by millions, influenced generations of broadcasters, including Walter Cronkite, Chet Huntley and Dan Rather, who didn’t try to sound like they had grown up on the Eastern Seaboard. The voice of the Midwest became the voice of America.
This book takes in a lot of territory, all solidly researched and footnoted. But dry? Fuhgeddaboutit. White is particularly entertaining when she discusses underworld slang from the city’s ‘sensitive lines of business’ and she’s also good on song lyrics, from Tin Pan Alley days to hip-hop. She dwells lovingly on the ‘sharp, smart, swift, and sure’ lyrics of the golden age of American popular music – roughly, the first half of the 20th century. It was a time when New York lyricists, nearly all of them Jewish, preserved in the American Songbook not only the vernacular of the Lower East Side but also the colloquialisms of Harlem and the snappy patois of advertising.
You Talkin’ to Me? is engrossing and often funny. In dissecting the exaggerated New York accents of Bugs Bunny and Groucho Marx, White observes that ‘Bugs even wielded his carrot like Groucho’s cigar’. And she says that the word ‘fuck’ is so ubiquitous in Gotham that it has lost its edge, so a New Yorker in need of a blistering insult must look elsewhere. ‘There may be some truth to the old joke that in Los Angeles, people say “Have a nice day” and mean “Fuck off,” while in New York, people say “Fuck off” and mean “Have a nice day.”’

Thursday, September 3, 2020

人类学的蒙古探索 ——剑桥大学乌﹒额﹒宝力格(Uradyn E. Bulag)教授访谈录

 我在1964 年11 月出生于鄂尔多斯西部鄂托克旗的一个牧民家里。8岁之前我一直都生活在牧区,我们那里不是草原,应该算绿洲吧。鄂尔多斯是沙漠多的地方,我们的西部沙漠更多,我们那地方叫“Balar”。我家乡的生态环境不太好,我生长在那样的环境里。家里有姐姐,她比我大一岁,小时候我们一起在牧区放羊羔。我们的邻居离我家3 公里左右,按理说我应该感到寂寞,但当时并没有觉得孤独,因为我不知道外边的世界是什么样的。我8 岁到公社上学,父亲那时已经是公社医院的大夫了,母亲也在那里做点事情。72年我8 岁的时候开始学汉来源于20 世纪初当地的六十名好汉组成的“独贵龙”运动。公社只有一个蒙汉混合小学,但72 年蒙语班被取消了。之前我姐上的是蒙语班,到我上的时候却只有汉语班,73 年又恢复了蒙语班。我到现在都没有闹清楚为什么那年取消蒙语班,我没有刻意地去寻找原因。不过阴错阳差吧,我开始学习了汉语,不过一开始讲的是蒙古式汉语,有些至今还改不了。

在那个学校呆了3 年以后,1975 年父亲在当时的伊克昭盟(现为鄂尔多斯市)医院里找到了工作做蒙医师,我们就跟着搬了过去。当时那个盟府所在地––东胜––人口有3 万人,蒙古人可能有3 千左右,我直接进入了汉语的环境里。七五年当时中国的民族政策很左,民族关系很紧张,一到这样的环境里我马上就感觉到被歧视。在牧区我虽然上的是汉语班,同学中也有汉族人,但当地的汉族多是从榆林,神木等地逃荒过去的一些人,很多人或很早就去了。他们已被蒙古化,大多会说蒙古话,有些人反而汉语还不太好。我们习惯上至今称他们为“irgen”,即民人,而不用现今的通用族称,“hyatad” (契丹人)。当然在文革中他们中有一些人去打砸抢,挖“新内蒙古人民革命党”,那里成了一个重灾区。尽管蒙汉小孩之间打架的事很多,但我们小孩儿没太多感觉,我们的感受跟大人的感受是不一样的。但到了城市以后就有了异样的感受。到了城里第二天,我们上街,就有小孩追着我们打,边扔石头,边叫着“蒙鞑子”,也许是我们过于“招摇”了吧。我奶奶穿的是蒙古袍。我当时11-12 岁,那时候就产生了民族意识产生,觉得因为我们是蒙古人而被追打。我对小学的经历没有太多记忆;很奇怪,我只记 得跟汉族同学打架的事,不记得我们之间有太多的友谊。那年我去的时候,姐姐退了一班,她原本上的是蒙语授课班,进城后因为没有蒙语学校,只好跟我上一个学校,她因为汉语跟不上只有降一个班。我对那段经历没有太多记忆,只有一种压抑的感觉。 初中我上的是伊克昭盟第一中学,算是当地最好的学校。我对这三年也没有太多的记忆。我上高中是1980 那一年,第一次全盟统考,我考了第一,进了伊克昭盟一中高中的重点班,算是尖子里的尖子。当年进去两个月后我生病了。我本来一个耳朵听不见,后来另一个耳朵也聋了,当时只好退学,所以我只上了2个月高中。在家呆了一年后到伊克昭盟广播电视台做门卫,在那里工作了近一年。 在这期间,我的一只耳朵回复了听力,父母央求我,“你不能这样,才16、17岁,你从最好的学生成这样,你得回去上学”。但我不想复学,因为很多人看到曾经最好的学生“堕落”成这样,幸灾乐祸,我就更不愿意去。老师让我回去,我说不,我要自学成才。我跟他们打了个赌,我就不信我比不过他们。82年考大学,考得不怎么样,因为我没有全面读过那些东西。我用高考前最后三个月请假复习。记得当年我考了全盟第4名––因为那年高中从两年变成三年,我的同学们都是83年高考。不过尽管如此我也没有占太大的便宜,因为我只考到内蒙古师范学院(一年后改称大学)外语系英语专业,而同学们中有上清华北大的。 自治区首府呼和浩特里的内蒙古师范大学是个蒙汉合璧的学校,蒙汉生各占一半。内蒙古大学是内蒙古最好的大学,蒙古学生只占三分之一,三分之二是汉族学生。我们那里蒙古学生多一些,因为师范是培养老师的,所以从牧区招来的学生多一些。 82年到86年期间,中国的大形势是反异化、反小资产阶级自由化,同时大学里出现各种各样的文化活动,比如有很多沙龙。虽然我们身处边疆,但也不可能脱离这样的文化氛围,也积极地参与了。不管是参与也好,卷入也好,二十多年后想想当时的情景还是是很振奋人心的。后来我为什么要学人类学呢?80 年代初,中国有这样一个大的氛围:北京、上海的文化,政治的发展、争论不可避免地影响到边疆的民族关系。内蒙古是边疆民族地区,我们学校是蒙、汉生各一半,大学生当中也存在民族关系问题。在大学里,汉族学生认为自己是优越的,但蒙古学生不服输。蒙古人跟其他中国的少数民族有点不一样,我们很少具有自卑感,因为我们有一种历史感嘛。今天说起这些事情很有意思,有时候也有“好汉不提当年勇”这样一种感叹。少数民族受到一些歧视的时候,我们要起来斗争。不过这种斗争已经不用拳头,而是用笔杆子。因此出现竞争,学术上的竞争、智力上的竞争。当时我们这些蒙古学生对自己的文化感兴趣了。汉族也对自身的文化开始感兴趣。我们很可能走在当时其他少数民族的前面,跟汉族对文化的兴趣是同步发生的,而不是派生的,derivative。 这里面产生了方向问题。汉族的大学生和知识界在探索自己的过去、现在和未来,对这些东西感到痛苦的时候,我们也为自己的过去、现在和未来感到迷茫,开始探索一种摆脱现在这些困境的途径。汉族的知识界,当他批判自己的文化,向外看,看到一个蔚蓝的天空,看到碧蓝的海水,向往西方的文明,比如自由、民主这些理念的时候,当他们的乌托邦是美国、日本的时候,在内蒙古,我们的乌托邦是什么?到达我们的香格里拉是必须要经过北京这么走呢,还是我们有自 己的路线?蒙古人的意识也不是铁打一块,我们当中的觉悟、认识,对中国的认识、认同是不一样的。很大一部分人是认同中国的,跟着大流走。也有一批人有反潮流的思想。我们一部分人在问:我们为什么走到现在这样的地步?我们今天的民族关系是什么?蒙古人为什么分成三个国家?我们是内蒙古,往北一看是蒙古人民共和国——以前的外蒙古,其北面有布里亚特蒙古,再往远点还有卡尔梅克蒙古。这些实实在在的地缘政治让一部分蒙古青年、知识分子想到一些问题。 尤其是那些具有民族意识、蒙古历史感、与汉族打交道的,同时还知道一些外面事物的人,像我们学外语的,更具有这样强烈的感觉。那个时候,内蒙古大学外语系有一个教英语的外教,他是夏威夷大学的人类学博士生。他跟我们师大和其他大学的蒙古学生、老师交往很多,做一些沙龙用英语讨论些问题。当时中国在批判自己的文化,批判长城、讨厌自己的黄皮肤,黄河,黄土地,批判历史、批判北方征服民族的时候,我们应该有什么回应呢? 当时没有“中华民族”这样的概念,汉族人有强烈的汉族意识,他认为自己落后了,要寻找一些根源,比如指责蒙古人、满洲人给中国带来落后、愚昧,这让我们开始思考了。另一方面,当时内蒙古的一些思潮是由前面的问题引发,比如内蒙古的文化大革命,挖肃新内蒙古人民革命党的问题等等,内蒙古是全国重灾区,很多蒙古人受到灾难、受到打击。在这样的一个情境里,任何一个有思想、有意识的人,不可能糊里糊涂地活着。所以我生长的思想背景、北方边疆的现实状况、还有地缘政治问题等,必定决定了像我这样的人所追求的目标、方向与其他汉族知识分子是不一样的,也不可能是一样的。 所以我们开始学习人类学,我们学习人类学跟内地人学习人类学是同步进行的,当然我们的条件没那么好。因为那个美国人启蒙的缘故,我们83、84年就开始接触到人类学,我们听他讲,自己到北京外文书店买一些台湾翻译,大陆盗版的列维‐斯特劳斯的书。当时对人类学大的背景很模糊,但我们当时已经有强烈的意识,需要用人类学去探索、理解以及跟其他民族在文化上有一个对等的交流。在那位外教的直接影响下,内蒙古大学和内蒙古师范大学在1986至89年四年中走出了4个学人类学的蒙古人,3个拿到博士学位,1 个拿到硕士学位。其中3个去了美国,我去了英国。 我去英国是在1989年1月。我出国读书也不是一帆风顺的事。大学毕业的时候有人说我应该去考研究生,但我没有考;原因是内蒙古大学蒙古历史学的一个教授看中我的英语、蒙古语能力。虽然我没有上过蒙文学校,但我当时自己把蒙古语的文字学会了。他很看重我,像我这样三语人才在当时的内蒙古屈指可数,不超过5个。但分配的时候老先生正好不在;我是从下面来的人,按照当时的分配制度,哪儿来哪儿去,我就回到了故乡,尽管很不情愿。我到一个旗中学教英语,在一个很偏僻的地方。大城市里有轰轰烈烈的文化活动,我在下面感到非常寂寞,很怀念城里的气氛。怎么办呢?下定决心不能坐以待毙。我在工作之余开始做一些业余的人类学研究,做一些田野、翻译,将蒙古语学术文章书籍翻译成英语。1987 年,一位剑桥大学的人类学者来做田野,我给她看了我做的东西,一年以后她来函邀请我访问剑桥大学。在这以前我换了工作,到鄂尔多斯羊绒衫厂做翻译和业务员,这是他们第一批招翻译,我算是鄂尔多斯羊绒集团的翻译元老了,曾经“温暖”过“全世界”。 我1989年1 月去了英国剑桥大学,当时不是学人类学,而是访问社会人类学下属的蒙古及内亚研究中心,作一般的蒙古学研究。在那里呆了3个月,后来他们觉得我很不错,于是又给我延了3个月。这段时间中国的情况发生了很大变化。我对此没有太多关注,虽然每天都在看电视。一方面感觉这离我很遥远,因为我86年以后就在下面,没有在城市里的文化圈活动了。当时剑桥的老师问我愿不愿意留下来读博士,就这样我申请到了奖学金,开始了我的人类学生涯。 我1989年10月进了剑桥大学人类学系,从硕士读起,一年后读博士学位。那年我是25岁。当时的志向是回来研究我家乡鄂尔多斯的成吉思汗祭典,但就当时中国的环境而言,回来做田野没多少可能。1988年戈尔巴乔夫到中国进行历史性的访问,中苏和好。随着中苏和解,蒙中关系也和解了,边境开放,两国不要签证可以互访,我觉得这是个历史的机会。1990年夏天,蒙古人民共和国开了一个《蒙古秘史》写成750 周年的会议,我去乌兰巴托参加会议,对我本人来说此次访问是历史性的。我想先试探一下有没有做田野的可能性。当时蒙古刚刚民主化,我觉得很有意思。我当时提出研究蒙古国的民主化过程:在中亚这个地方,作为前社会主义国家,蒙古这样的民族对民主的认识是什么,它的民主革命为什么能成功?中国也在追求民主、自由,人家蒙古成功了,因此我得去研究一下。 我于1991年4月到1992年4月在蒙古国做田野。接收单位是国际蒙古学家协会,我在那里做助理编辑。在这期间我对民主没有太多的了解,倒是对蒙古国的民族关系有了新的认识。边境开放以后,很多内蒙古的蒙古人愿意往那里移民,落户。当时一个强烈的感觉是,50年代末开始,两个蒙古30多年没有来往,边境开放后我们互相拥抱、热泪盈眶;但我很快发现,这种情绪是短暂的,激情过后是一种冷静和对彼此的打量。内蒙古人一看,这些人不是我们想象的蒙古人; 蒙古国人看内蒙古人,我们也不是他们想象的蒙古人。可见30年的彻底分离,造成同一民族的两个部众之间文化的差异何其之大。文化差异最主要的一点是蒙古国的俄化以及内蒙古的汉化。蒙古国对内蒙古有一种expectation,一种期盼,我们内蒙古对他们也有一种expectation,这两个expectations 之间出现一种冲突,而冲突的原因、过程和结果正是我研究的课题。内蒙古人对他们的expectation导致disappointment,失望;他们对内蒙古人的expectation 最后导致彻底的放弃,不仅是一种失望,而是从心底里产生一种不认同。内蒙古人对他们尽管失望,但还是认同他们,而他们对内蒙古人却是不认同的。当然这只是一般的情况,里面有些人是不一样的。 在九十年代初,中国和俄国对这两个蒙古––内蒙古和蒙古国––有一种强烈的警惕。注意我这里没有说外蒙古,它不是外蒙古,它建立了一个独立的国家,如果称外蒙古的话它就成中国的一部分,是用中国中心主义说的。俄国和中国这两个国家,尤其是中国总认为一个民族的两个部分走在一起,会有泛蒙古主义泛滥、黄祸再次出现、三蒙统一––三蒙统一是和俄罗斯的布里亚特蒙古一起再次建立一个庞大的帝国––造成对中国和俄罗斯的威胁。所以这两国都很猜忌、怀疑甚至打击这三个蒙古,或者是两个蒙古,因为俄罗斯的布里亚特蒙古不是特别积极,势力不是特别大,人口也不是很多。我当时探索这样的问题:中国这方也有一种expectation,他的expectation 以及他的assumption,制定的假设是蒙古人走在一起肯定会统一。中国人看到蒙古人和内蒙古人交往,就认为是两方勾结,要搞蒙古独立,或者内外蒙合并,然后进行打压。但我的研究发现,两个蒙古有短暂的激情,激情完了以后产生冷静,互相排斥。我在博士论文里探索这些问题。 我探索的其中一个大问题是,为什么蒙古国的大多数人对内蒙古不认同?他们的不认同的理由是什么?他们自己认为蒙古民族是什么样的民族?什么样的人具备条件变成蒙古人?我们这些内蒙古人,在中国的蒙古人,他们自我认为是蒙古人,中国也认可他们是蒙古人,而且是具有强烈蒙古思想意识的蒙古人。那么,蒙古国人按理说更应该承认,中国的蒙古人是他们失去的民族的一部分,是失去的兄弟,但他们不是这样想的,即便他们真这么想,他们也不会像中国一样,要把自己在海外的赤子都召集回来。中国的海外同胞、华侨千方百计都要落叶要归根,他们有这样一个大中华的观念。这是汉族的思维方式。与此相对应,我探索的是:为什么蒙古没有这样的思维方式?内蒙古跟蒙古国认同,是不是某种意义上受到了中国这种思维的影响?因为中国是一种泛中华主义的(中国的泛中华主义自我认定是个positive 的观念,但他说泛蒙古主义是错误的)。所以我在探索为什么内蒙古有这样强烈的思想,而蒙古国却没有。 1911年12月27号是蒙古国这个新兴的国家宣布独立的日子,它独立于满清。从蒙古人的角度来说它是反清的,它是与中国革命同时发生的,对清朝的灭亡做出了很多贡献。它独立于清朝早于汉族独立于清朝,这个必须把握,这种把握有利于理解为什么蒙古国自成为国家。你必须站在那个时代的角度,不要喧宾夺主。 今天的汉族不是那个时候国家的主人,那个时候国家的主人是满族,副主人是蒙古。所以想到这些让我很感慨,在今天中国的很多论述中,很多历史学家犯了一个最基本的历史时空错误,却浑然不觉。 我对蒙古国成立、它的过程以及它的民族过程、社会主义蒙古民主建立的过程展开了研究。我发现这个国家是以喀尔喀一个部族为中心建立的国家,这个国家是为了喀尔喀这个蒙古部族而建立的。就像美国的黑人看到国旗感叹国家的旗帜里没有黑人的影子一样,内蒙古人也感叹,他们论述的建国过程里没有他们的份。一开始这个国家就定位是为那个部族建立的,而不是为全体蒙古人建立的。 这样问题就迎刃而解,内蒙古的蒙古人不是他们的overseas national。为什么会出现这样的情况呢?这就要看蒙古自身的社会结构。我们是分部族的,就像中亚一些国家,就像凉山的家支一样,一个家支控制政权,其他家支是没份的,更何况蒙古国是一个部族成立的国家。就像黑彝和黑彝之间是平等的一样,蒙古各部是平等的。我们进入不了他们的部族里面。但这并不意味着蒙古国的建立没有其他蒙古部族的贡献。它是由内蒙古和布里亚特蒙古人共同帮助建立的。 要理解蒙古国的形成发展还要提及1945年“8•15 光复”之后内蒙古的命运。八路军还在山西、陕西这一带活动,国民党还在四川,没下山摘桃子的时候蒙古和苏联进来解放了满洲和内蒙古东部。谈到这个时候我们一定要谈到当时的地缘,同时也要看到当时这是一个社会主义阵营,不能用今天的国家主义去主观臆测。苏联和蒙古进来以后,当时有两个蒙古统一的运动。内蒙古在日本铁蹄下解放了,怎么办呢?交给谁,交给中国?中国那时候是怎样一个国家啊,它有个像样的政权吗?谁有资格和德能去接管内蒙古?共产主义是解放全人类的,共产主义者为什么要将解放了地方送交给一个民族主义为主导的政权?但这些有趣争论却没有展开,内蒙古的命运不是由蒙古人自己来决定的,而是由世界大国决定。 雅尔塔会议决定内蒙古归属中国,中国国民政府承认蒙古人民共和国独立。蒋介石允许蒙古人全民公投,100%通过蒙古国自己当家作主;1946 年1 月,中华民国承认蒙古人民共和国独立,但内蒙古变成中国的一部分。内蒙古的命运是在这时候决定的。当时内蒙古也采取公投的办法,他的公投是加入蒙古国,很多蒙古人做了公投,一些领袖人物收集签字,背着一麻袋到了乌兰巴托,但蒙古受制于雅尔塔协议,也为了保全自己的独立,最后决定将内蒙古的命运委托给中国同志,也就是中国共产党。 1946 年以后,内蒙古的革命彻底变成中国革命的一部分,在这以前它是世界革命的一部分,它的很多革命运动是共产国际领导的,都是从蒙古、苏联那里过来的;当然中国国民党和共产党也参与了。在公投的时候,很多人迁到了蒙古,因为它是游牧民族,如果王爷下定决心要加入蒙古国,就让老百姓把蒙古包拆散,放到牛车里走过边境线,一两天就走到了嘛。 再看布里亚特蒙古人。苏联10月革命后,在西伯利亚出现内战,布里亚特蒙古人为了躲避战争大举往南移,蒙古国北部几个省变成他们的聚居区,一部分人到了内蒙古呼伦贝尔地区,所以布里亚特蒙古分成了三部。布里亚特人进入蒙古后,扮演了很有意思的角色,一部分人加入了苏联共产党,成了苏联的代言人,一部人加入白党,反对布尔什维克。但在蒙古独立的时候,它提供了知识分子的资源,因为它比其他蒙古民族更早接受了西方的东西;他们的知识分子到蒙古后, 首先办了学校、报纸,研究科学、民族学。内蒙古这边为蒙古建国提供一些军事、外交支援。 蒙古国虽然是以喀尔喀部为主建立的国家,但在建立的过程中,有很多布里亚特人的参与,有很多内蒙古人的参与,也有西部蒙古的参与。这些人的很多亲人在新疆、西伯利亚、内蒙古。他们的蒙古不光局限于蒙古国,而是与周边国家联系在一起,而喀尔喀部则局限在他们那个部里面。蒙古国的民族主义因此出现了两种倾向,一是以喀尔喀这个部族为主的蒙古中心主义,一是由其他蒙古组成的大蒙古主义。内部的斗争以这两方为主,这个斗争有时是很激烈的。 在社会主义过程中,蒙古人民共和国受到苏联的影响很深,苏俄也是很霸道的,他的祖先受过蒙古人统治,他们很清楚蒙古人有怎样的文化,也知道怎样对付蒙古人。就像满清,曾经被蒙古人征服过,知道这个老主人的脾气,他们翻了身以后更懂得怎样制服蒙古人。蒙古的败落没有败在汉族手里——汉族历史上从来没有办法对付蒙古人,只有满清人懂得蒙古人,因为满人是半游牧民族,曾经受制于蒙古,他文化的一大半是蒙古文化。俄罗斯也是这样的,他受蒙古的统治长达240 年,其民族的成长过程是与蒙古的侵略、占领和统治是密切相关的,没有蒙古的侵略、占领和统治就没有俄罗斯这样的民族。他的“他者”就是蒙古人,但同时他的理想也是蒙古人。17 世纪以后,蒙古被分成两部分,一部分受制于俄罗斯这个新兴的帝国,一部分受制于满清这个新兴的帝国。草原被瓜分了,蒙古民族彻底衰落。 蒙古人的一个外交办法是和亲,与被统治者进行联姻,历史上一直以来都是这样,比如对朝鲜,朝鲜的13 个公主里的11 个嫁给蒙古的汗室。满清也搞满蒙联姻,他们的公主都下嫁给蒙古王公,蒙古王公是他们的女婿,康熙皇帝的母亲就是蒙古人。有意思的是满蒙的关系有这样深刻的“你中有我,我中有你”的传统,但他们现在是两个民族,谁都没有说他们是一个。为什么不说,这是个值得研究的问题。俄罗斯学了这一套,苏俄在制约蒙古人民共和国的时候也是用和亲的办法,蒙古的领袖人物大都娶俄罗斯妻子。 我继续谈蒙古的民族过程吧。这个国家由一个主体部族组成,从现代国家建立的角度看,它不是典型的,而是有共性的。其结构以及内部的民族关系与中国和其他国家有很大的相似性。比如中国,根据乌兰夫的说法,中国是由各民族共同缔造的,他的一个贡献就是让少数民族也具有这个贡献,以前没有这个说法,我记得是1982年的宪法里正式提出是少数民族与汉族共同缔造的国家。也就是说少数民族是主人了,但即便如此,这个国家的主人是谁,这是谁都知道的。换句话说,主体民族出现了,蒙古国也是这样,它的主体民族是喀尔喀人。中华民族的形成过程是把少数民族的特殊性慢慢消除,使其变成了中华民族,它有一个教化的过程,这在中国是很赞扬提倡的。我在这里就不多说了。我就多发扬点自我民族批评的精神吧。 社会主义蒙古民族怎么形成?你说喀尔喀方言,娶了喀尔喀妻子或是嫁了喀尔喀丈夫,根据这个比例,比例越多,那你这个部族进入社会主义蒙古民族的程度越深。20世纪60年代蒙古国受苏联民族学的影响,用ethnos 和ethnic process 这两个概念来研究社会主义蒙古民族的进程。这是一种科学研究,但也直接反映了民族政治问题。这个民族是以喀尔喀部族为主的,其他的蒙古部族说了喀尔喀的方言,忘记自己的方言,就好像你放弃讲四川话,说北京话,就成了中国人一样,因为蒙古是由喀尔喀垄断了的,就和中国由汉人垄断一样。这不是一个特殊的现象,而是个普遍的现象,所以我在批评的时候,中国人听了没必要太生气,蒙古人听了也没必要太生气,因为我只是指出这个现象,其他国家也是这样。但是在这个过程中,对蒙古内部的很多人具有一种伤害,这是应该面对的现实。中国也一样,在中华民族形成的过程中,非汉民族受到的伤害,也应该正视它。值得深思是在中国,他对这个伤害是采取赞扬的态度,认为这样最好,在蒙古国也是这样。 在外界想象中蒙古是一个单一的民族,说一种语言,不像中华民族是七八十辈打不着,不相干的民族放在一起,尤其是文化上没有联系,却要从三四万年前找到渊源。但蒙古不是这样的,世界上的任何历史学家都承认所有这些蒙古人是一个民族,当中国在说蒙古族属于中华民族的时候,它也承认这帮人是蒙古人,他也承认在国外还有蒙古人,这个蒙古人和那个蒙古人是一体的。这个连体婴儿怎么去断开?这是文化上世界公认的一个统一民族,但内部出现了这些裂变。我的博士论文里就探索蒙古的多元。为什么要探索多元呢?很多蒙古人不理解,他认为蒙古国是一个很纯洁的国家,但我看出它是一个以单一部族为主,其他部族不能纳入其体系中的国家。蒙古文化是很狭小的文化,我想让蒙古文化大一些,让每个蒙古人知道蒙古各个部族是平等的,历史上从来是平等的,从来没有说要讲哪个部族的方言才变成蒙古人。 建立一个现代国家是个privilege,我们愿意尊重它,但是还有超越民族‐国家的东西吧?蒙古人之间怎么互相承认,这是他们内部非常痛苦的事情。这种痛苦别人作为一个娱乐的对象,蒙古内部的分裂让很多人兴高采烈。这里面有个empathy 的问题,不要总是幸灾乐祸,因为你也有自己的痛苦。尤其在中国,一个汉族学者怎么样理解别人的痛苦,谁做到了这点,怎么才能做到这点?我想探索这个东西。Empathy 应该是相互的,当看到别人痛苦的时候,你要理解他的痛 苦,因为你也是人,你也会同样具有痛苦。 在文化上的多元,互相之间的承认,对蒙古国好,对其他蒙古部族也好,对全世界也是有益的。这里面很可能有人提到:文化的统一是不是政治上的统一?是不是我在贩卖一种“泛蒙古主义”?我们应该承认这样一个现状:世界格局已经形成,两个蒙古统一很可能是一部分人的一厢情愿,因为他们认为自己是受害者。但他们诉求这种统一很可能危害到蒙古国自身的主权独立。它存在的地缘很脆弱,受到两个庞大国家的夹击。所以可以,并应该理解蒙古国为什么不愿意认 同中国的蒙古人,他们认为如果认同,会引起中国的不高兴,肯定会危害到自己国家的主权,他不愿意做这样危险的尝试。但这能不能成为互相之间不承认的理由呢?成为互相之间不信任,互相瞧不起的理由?所以我探索的是在承认国际格局的现状下,寻求民族内部和解与互相理解的道路。我提出Greater Mongolia,跟Greater China 一样,它不是一个政治的Mongolia,而是文化的Mongolia。在Greater Mongolia 的文化框架下互相交往,但不危害到现在的政治格局。 我的研究方向、兴趣与80‐‐90年代的世界格局、世界的思潮紧紧联系在一起。当时社会主义阵营在垮台,民族主义在兴起,不同国家在探索内部的整合。我探索的虽然是局部,但它具有共性。这个研究虽然是蒙古国,但它反映的是Inner Asia,从某种意义上说,我研究的是蒙古国学,也是中国学,是Inner Asia,也是East Asia。我不愿意局限在哪一个国家里面,而是跨国的。我在1993 年完成这项研究,10 月拿到博士学位。 之后我拿到剑桥一年的fellowship,研究塔尔寺,在那里呆了近三个月。当时我想了解蒙古人自己的high culture,也就是藏传佛教。蒙古文化是一个大杂烩,由不同的文化融合而成。后来藏传佛教第二次进入蒙古,形成我们主要文化,全民信教,寺院里书写、教育全部用藏语。到近代以后,民主、科学和反宗教等等。思潮来了以后对宗教的东西一概排斥,开始集中发展所谓的社会主义民族文化。 蒙古的传统文化在内蒙古是自己放弃的成分多一些;近代蒙古出现民族主义以后,出现对power“力”的崇拜,同时以identity 视角来界定什么东西是我的、什么东西不是我的而是外来的。首先对“力”的理解方面,当时的Young Mongols,青年蒙古人,发现佛教对蒙古的生育有消极的影响,对其尚武精神有彻底的摧毁。所以它成了尚武精神和以成吉思汗为代表的辉煌历史的反面,必须要清除。认为只有恢复成吉思汗的历史谱系和文化精神,才能在现代、在跟其他民族抗衡中生存。其次在对什么是自己的文化、什么是外来文化的问题上,他们发现这是外来的宗教;认为萨满教是迷信,佛教是外来的,都要抛弃,这样一来什么也没有了。再后来就是民族的形式和社会主义的内容。社会主义的内容是中国的社会主义的内容,也就是汉族的内容,汉族的东西变成我们的东西,做一些穿衣戴帽工程,打扮一下,就变成了蒙古文化。所以我对什么是蒙古文化、蒙古文化的内容究竟是什么感到困惑,因此想要去了解佛教历史文化。 塔尔寺和蒙古有着密切的关系,它是距离蒙古最近的、最神圣的佛教中心之一,也是宗喀巴诞生的地方。在八九十年代它的寺主是蒙古人,又是宗喀巴父亲的转世。我很小就知道这件事情,所以很向往这个地方。我们鄂尔多斯部在那里有一个自己的康村,就是一个活佛的大宅门,他居住的地方也是同族僧人起居,进行辅导、修经的地方。我1993 年去的时候已经很败落了。我从此开始对蒙藏关系有所兴趣,但研究很短暂,因为经费短缺。 1994 年我在联合国环境署找了份工作,研究美国印第安人的环境问题。易洛魁部(现称Haudenosaunee)的居住地纽约上州地区受到周围工业的侵害,废水流到他们的河流里,他们控告到联合国。我进联合国当了其任命的第一个indigenous fellow,即土著研究员,因为是蒙古人的关系,他们把我当成土著人。 我负责帮他们整理文件,递交给联合国。这次研究对我很有益处,我开始了解到 什么是indigenous people,他们的政治是什么,他们与美利坚民族的关系。我切身地体会到,美国的政治体制、联合国的体制——the United States 和the United Nations 这样的形式是从印第安人那里学来的,比如易洛魁联盟。美国主体社会应该不应该承认这样的政治文化是你所鄙视、消灭的这部分人给你的,有没有这样的能力和胸怀去承认这点?没人敢承认。他们每次总是说我们怎么可能从野蛮人那里学到这样好的东西呢,我们肯定是从希腊城市文明那里学来的。主体民族它的脸皮厚就在这儿。但印第安人为了自己的生计也没有过于要求他承认这点。我对这个问题学习了一段时间。 再有就是意识到美国的民族格局不是像很多中国学者认为的那样,都是由移民组成。美国有两种人,一种是土著的,territorial,有土地的,政治的民族,它有reservation,保留地;不经过保留地的同意,联邦政府也不能进去。美国和印第安人是legal 关系,定合约;把一个族群打败后,有个treaty,我把你东西拿走了,给你个收据吧。美国是有这么一批人的,他们是具有土地概念和政治概念的,是有民族、国家、土地界限的群体。另一部分群体是从海外去的,他的价值取向并不是在那里夺一块土地,建立自己的小王国,而是要融入这个社会,往上爬。 很多中国知识分子去美国没几天,看到纽约、洛杉矶、芝加哥,就认为这是“美国”,于是把这个搬到中国,想让其在中国生根开花。他误解了美国的政治结构。美国的多元文化针对的是移民,是外来族群。中国人去了后在唐人街里,没必要说英语,可以说自己的语言,这叫multi‐culturalism,但这个multi‐culturalism 相对于印第安人是什么样的关系呢?美国的主体文化对印第安人有什么影响?有什么样的伦理道德性要求印第安人接受这样的文化形式?没有。印第安人是不接受的,他与美国政府签订了协议,有自己的土地、界限,没有印第安人的同意, 一个美国人是无权进入保留地的。我通过这个来看中国,中国的民族是像美利坚民族一样外来的,来到这里进行奋斗的人们吗?不是这样的一群人。每个民族有自己繁衍生息的故乡,长期以来与汉族并行发展。把美国式的“多元”放到中国的边疆地区,后果是什么呢?我在这一年里开始考虑这些问题。 结束在联合国的研究之后,我从1995 年开始研究内蒙古。剑桥每个学院每年有一两个research fellowship,给你三年的钱,没有教学任务,让你做研究,主要是让你把博士论文修改、出版,再发表几篇文章去找工作。我有幸获得Corpus Christi 学院的fellowship。我在这三年期间一方面修改了博士论文,于1998 年在牛津大学出版社出版,书名叫做Nationalism and Hybridity in Mongolia。在这期间我开始研究内蒙古的问题,切入点是“民族团结”。我想通过这个来理解中国的民族政治。我所感兴趣的是国家与少数民族的关系,多数民族与少数民族的关系,这个关系在中国是以民族团结这个理念来协调的。怎样理解中国的民族团结,它的历史从哪儿过来,里面出现什么问题?我现在简单谈谈两篇文章,是我2002 年出版的的一本书The Mongols at China’s Edge: History and Politics of National Unity 中的两章。我认为民族团结有两层意思:一是国家里所有民族的团结;另 一个是关系学,民族之间的友好关系也叫民族团结。汉语里不能体现出两方面的意思,英语里也是。这本书的前两章分别是“Ritualising National Unity”和“Naturalising National Unity”——仪式化民族团结和自然化民族团结。 第一篇文章是研究青海湖祭典的。1723 年清朝打败罗卜藏丹增,在岳钟琪追杀敌人、人困马乏之际,出现了一处泉水,清军喝了以后精神大增,打败了敌人。后来清朝纪念这次胜利,把胜利归咎于天报,天帮着清朝这一方。泉水在青海湖边,于是一开始选择遥祭,后来人要去祭,祭的时候进行会盟,皇帝要奖彰、惩罚。后来蒙古人跟藏族人为了青海湖边的草场打了100 年。因为蒙古人统一西藏以后,没有撤走;后来被打败以后,藏人觉得蒙古人占领了自己的草场,他们想回到自己的故乡。清朝的政策是抑蒙扶藏。一开始通过祭典统治蒙古人,后来因为他们打得不可开交,便拉在一起会盟进行调解。 满清一倒,当地的回回,比如马家军就出来了,他们是西北穆斯林集团,代替皇帝举行祭典。20 世纪30 年代国民政府从南京撤到重庆,到陪都后西北、西南便是它的生命线,必须打进去。在东面有日本人压境,西北是穆斯林自治的。 军阀就是当地自治,用国家主义的说法叫军阀统治,用无政府主义的说法是地方自治。日本过来后,如果西北这个地方不开放,国民政府就会受到威胁。但中央势力怎么才能进入西北地区呢?你说西北地方有问题,人家说没问题,我是民国政府的一部分啊,我又没有投降日本,我替你守着边疆,你想要东西我给你,中央军没必要过来这里。这时候蒙藏人士开始控告马步芳这些回回人对他们的欺压,告到国民政府。这给中央一个很好的机会去那里调解。派大员到青海湖边祭 湖吧,散布言论说马步芳如何如何。这样西北军阀就没有不让中央政府进入的理由了。马步芳对蒙藏人员和邓秀廷对付彝族是一样的,首先是抓人质,让他们的孩子去上学等等。会盟的时候,中央的汉族代表去了,回族领袖、蒙古族领袖、藏族领袖,都在那里会盟,说我们要一致对外,精诚团结之类。这个形式共产党进去以后也继承了。所以祭湖祭典从一个庆祝征服的象征变成欢庆的象征,它体现的是权力之间的关系。 谈到中央政权与边疆的关系,西方理论往往认为中央要打进地方,压制地方,因为有税收等等因素,国家权力的渗透是从上往下。但在中国的边疆地区其实是三角关系。边疆的军阀势力、地方自治者与土著有冲突,土著是弱者,对付不了他们,便找中央,因为他们认为中央是正义的,希望它来调解,因此中央的势力是被邀请过来的。这时候会遇到很多抵制,这些抵制往往不是来自边疆土著民族的,而是来自边疆的汉人,或是回回地方势力来抵制中央。真正对中央的分离、 反抗不是土著民族。 第二篇文章是“Naturalising National Unity”。我跟西方的人类学家们对中国民族关系的研究有不同看法;我认为他们对中国民族关系的视角是文化政治,他们在看民族关系的时候,像性别一样,看谁在上面,谁在下面,在民族关系上是以床上功夫的隐喻来体现的。民族政治并不是这个意思,并不是我看你漂亮不漂亮的问题。我通过和亲来说明,在西藏是文成公主,在内蒙古是王昭君嫁了呼韩邪。我发现,中国文人对和亲与王昭君的描述存在着历史的演变。一开始是汉高祖白马之围,30 万兵被匈奴围住7 天7 夜,他的军师想了个高招:皇上,能不能把你的女儿嫁给他?他成了你的女婿,女婿一般不会打丈人,他的儿子叫你外公,他不会打外公吧,不会打舅舅这一方。于是匈奴会不攻自破。汉高祖可能舍不得自己的女儿,就弄了个宗室女送去了。这是和亲的开始。到汉元帝的时候,有个故事。一开始故事很简单,后院有三千宫女,其中最不漂亮的是王昭君,于是给了吧。后来汉族男性文人墨客越描绘越漂亮,最后她成了中国四大美女之一。 描述里有各种与汉元帝的爱情故事。匈奴那边来了以后,汉朝弄她出来会面,结果皇帝一看,哇,这么漂亮,就问谁骗了朕,原来是画家蒙蔽了我,本来是我最爱的妃子。但还是得给人家啊,不答应的话人家打你啊,后来把画家给杀了,画家做了替罪羊。在分别的时候,哭哭啼啼,生离死别的。后来王昭君在汉朝和匈奴的河界自杀了。你看汉族的文人墨客就是不让王昭君进入匈奴这个蛮野之地。 这时出现了爱,本来开始没有爱,但敌人爱了,她便爱她的故乡,爱汉元帝。宋朝以后,汉人女子开始裹脚,认为这样一来匈奴人、北方骑马征服者不能像以前可以轻易劫掠她们了,因为女人的裹脚会把他们拖住。两千多年来,汉族跟北方游牧征服者的情感问题就是围绕这么一个女人。当达尔文主义、现代血统论等观念来了以后,凡是与汉族和亲的任何民族都被宣布是中华民族的一部分,跑不了了。一个汉族女人的血液流进了你的血管,你是跑不了的。汉族女人的血液具有 这样超强的功能。有了王昭君、文成公主,你能跑得了吗?在美国,你有一滴黑人的血液,你就是黑人;在中国,你有一滴汉人的血你就是中华民族。中国从20、30 年代到现在血统论一直泛滥不绝。 我考虑的问题是,中国是一个共产主义国家,是以伟大的毛泽东思想武装起来的,它竟然敌不过一个女人的血液吗?民族关系需要用这个东西来凝固吗? 1959 年达赖喇嘛叛乱,十几天以后,周恩来总理开始要求写文成公主与松赞干布的故事,再过一两年,翦伯赞写王昭君,要抹掉她脸上的泪,让她笑起来。当民族关系出现裂缝时用和亲来弥补,这可是在社会主义的顶峰时期啊。这是什么一种思想簇拥他们花费那么大工夫做,以至于颠覆了马克思主义、毛泽东思想,颠覆了国家的性质?王昭君开始笑起来以后,具有一种magic,她走过的地方,都是庄稼;每个匈奴女人都漂亮起来,因为她介绍了胭脂;她所过之处牛羊肥壮;她俨然成了北方民族的母亲,具有这样一种超级力量。文成公主俨然是藏族的母亲。这种血统论思绪与马克思主义之间的关系该怎么去协调?但它的确实实在在地指导中国现今的民族关系、它试图使民族团结自然化。 我是在裂缝里做点文章,把中国的民族问题放在中国的文化场景、历史场景和意识形态场景里面,寻找不能自然衔接的地方来观察。根据自己的观察,用历史学、人类学、政治学、后殖民批评、文化学等角度看中国的民族政治是什么。这不是传统的人类学,在中国人类学传统谱系里找不到,在西方人类学谱系也找不到,这是我个人的。一个少数民族出身的学者怎样去研究这些,怎样发挥他自己的视角,他所看到的与主体民族学者的关系是什么? 我在90年代末期搞了这个研究,于2002 年发表The Mongols at China’s Edge: istory and the Politics of National Unity,出版社是美国的Rowman and Littlefield。书中还有对土改,革命史,民族英雄等问题论述的章节,都是围绕民族团结展开的。写完了以后,总觉得内蒙古的很多问题没说清楚,后来一想是日本没有进我的视野。我觉得理解近现代蒙古民族不了解日本在中国北方的活动是不可能的,所以我决定去日本看看。 这期间,我已在美国纽约城市大学肯特学院和研究生院(Hunter College and the Graduate Center of the City University of New York)的文化人类学系任教。从1998年到2007九年的时间里在那里从助理教授升到教授。 我于2002年去日本静冈大学访问两个月,2004年到2005年我休假一年,在日本大阪国立民族学博物馆做访问学者,研究日本、蒙古、中国的关系,尤其侧重日本对满蒙问题的看法,以及日本在两个蒙古的分裂,内蒙古近代化的影响和作用。1932年到1945年之间,中部、东部蒙古一直是日本的邦国和殖民地。内蒙古近代的民族主义深刻受日本影响,就像中国近代民族主义受日本影响一样。 所以内蒙古的发展和中国的发展是同步的,而不是派生的。同时,日本跟蒙古的友好非常根深蒂固,这是其他亚洲民族没法匹敌的。朝鲜跟日本很僵持,其他民族都没日本和蒙古之间那么亲近。日本跟中国关系不好的时候,蒙古和日本是很好的。它有一种很近的关系。这种友谊在当时和现在的legacy 是什么?这得从理解历史开始。 现在很多人在讲人类学怎么研究历史,但没做到点子上。什么是历史?在19世纪末的时候,只有跟欧洲联系起来的民族才有历史,没有跟这个联系你是没有历史的。日本作为一个岛国,与西方接触的历史是18 世纪末才开始的。作为一个国家来说,它的历史这么短––这里不是指它对过去的追溯,而是按照当时历史的特定意义来确定。它与中国有很长历史关系,但那没用,因为中国在近代的世界格局中被边缘化了。直接跟西方的历史没有或很短,这时候要寻找一个东西来衔接,这个东西就是阿尔泰语系,通过蒙古人和西方联系。欧洲的芬兰语、匈牙利语、突厥语、蒙古语、通古斯语、朝鲜语,日本语,这是一个大家族,一下子连起来了。这产生了重要的政治效果,日本找到了自己的归属。所以它的路线是满蒙路线,它不认同中国,但认同蒙古,通过蒙古来找到与欧洲的关联,从而找到自己的历史。这是日本脱亚入欧后的再行入亚的重大理论依据。有意思的是日本的民族主义是蒙古人在13 世纪激发的。这以前日本是羡慕中华的,13世纪蒙 古人占领中华,忽必烈侵略日本两次,对它是很大的冲击,这时候日本开始全民皆兵,它意识到自己的不同,自己与大陆之间的关系如何协调?这之后出现倭寇,是对明朝的骚扰,他们观察蒙古还在不在。所以,我认为日本的民族意识是蒙古人赋予激发的。俄罗斯民族的形成也是与蒙古对他的征服、统治有直接的关系。 蒙古对周边国家形成自己的意识,围绕自己的意识画自己的圈,影响是很深远的。我开始认识到,只将内蒙古放在中国内部去理解,这是不够的;其实中国在批判民族主义的时候,不管是蒙古的,西藏的,还是新疆的,它外面都有个东西叫帝国主义,都在指责这个东西。所以我认为中国的民族问题是三角关系,主体民族‐国家,少数民族和外部的所谓帝国主义势力。在这样的三角关系里,中国的民族主义是帝国主义激发出来的,认为某些少数民族与帝国主义“勾结”,但是中国最终是要把少数民族domesticated,内部化,放在国家边境里面。所以反对民族主义的最大标志就是掐掉这个关系,把三角关系变成两元关系。我认为中国民族问题的源头肯定是三角的。所以我的近年的研究还是以内蒙古为中心,提出理解“民族政治”,the thnopolitical 的三元结构。 我给民族政治做了一定的分析,认为它可以提供一种可能性。在三角关系里面,我是弱者,你是强者,你欺负我,但如果有第三者的话,我就不单独跟你较量了,我跟第三者联合起来对付你,他跟我联合起来他也有自己的好处,因为他也受你的威胁,所以我们建立暂时的联盟来对付你。这样作为一个少数的、弱势的民族,在民族斗争中有了一种希望,一种可能性。如果是两元的,那么肯定是对方的手下败将,但在三角关系里,鹿死谁手说不定了。这个关系又有时间性,三角关系不是永恒的。我们俩共同的敌人被打败后,就剩下两元了。以前我们是共同对敌,敌人走后,我们的朋友关系怎么协调?这是我观察的重点。 我想说明,蒙古民族在近代与不同的盟友建立过关系,一部分蒙古人与日本人联合对付中国,他们被叫作蒙奸;一部分蒙古人与中国共产党合作,这部分蒙古人叫蒙古干部吧,但从结构上是一样的。在蒙古人与日本人合作的时候,国民党是被打败的,那么蒙古人和日本人之间的关系好还是不好呢?蒙古人与中国共产党人联合起来打败汉族当中的国民党反动派,或者外敌日本人,那么这时蒙古和汉族的关系,这两个朋友是好还是不好呢?解放后,我们没有了坏人,我们内部的阶级敌人,地富反坏右等全部被消灭了,汉族里都是好人了吧,没有民族压迫的因素了吧。按照马列的说法,民族压迫是因为有阶级压迫存在,因为对方有坏人;坏人消灭后,对方没有压迫我的因素了。我里面的坏人也消灭了。按理说,我们应该更团结。但共和国的历史中民族的关系并不是很顺畅。好人间的民族关系是种怎样的民族关系呢?这就很有意思了。当我们说民族不平等的时候,总是把对方当个“他者”来对待,但切记中国是一个社会主义国家,这是个经过艰苦 卓绝的斗争,把帝国主义,把民族内部的敌人,把剥削压迫的因素都消灭的民族关系哦。但解放后的民族关系更紧张,这从理论上怎么解释?这就是我想重点解决的问题,即“好人”的民族政治。 我们各个民族间产生强烈的友谊,但在建造中华民族这个共同体里面出现今天这样的悲剧状态。我们很多人没反思。当三角关系变成两元关系后,为什么以往的朋友反目为仇?我认为这个新的敌对关系里有特殊的情感。如果我们是自然的敌人,你欺负我,我有什么怨言?我知道你是坏的,我被欺负我没能耐嘛,最多到此而已。我没有跟你情感上过多的纠葛,我恨你就得了。但当朋友背叛你,欺负你,那是一种破坏以前共同对敌时的信任,是对信任的背叛。背叛以后是怎 样一种伤害?我们民族之间的关系不就是这样的嘛。说你对不起我,你背叛了我,背弃了诺言;这样一个情感政治。所以民族政治里有强烈的情感,情感有强烈的政治。这个情感弄不好要爆炸的。这种情感是两元关系里没有的,只有三角变成两元后才有。这就是中国这个国家面临的现状。我认为这是中国的知识界应该注意的。 我的研究主要是在美国期间完成。因为2007年返回剑桥大学社会人类学系工作,由于要适应新的环境,书的出版就拖延了,今年(2010)6月才出版,叫Collaborative Nationalism,副标题是The Politics of Friendship on China’s Mongolian Frontier,在中国蒙古边疆上演的友谊政治。出版商还是Rowman and Littlefield。 Collaborative nationalism 是我提议的新的概念。一般来说民族主义是两元的,我要为我的自我,我的“自我”要由“他者”来对应。但民族主义在它实践的过程中,往往与其他民族联合起来。比如蒙古民族与日本、俄罗斯,或者和中国共产党联合起来对付共同的敌人,实现自己的解放。中国的民族主义也是这样,比如最开始联俄联共。有些人要与日本联合,合作。那些反对联合的人就骂其为汉奸,汉奸就是和日本人合作,但有意思的是这些骂的人也是在和别人合作。但问题的关键是合作里有没有主体性,如果忘掉自我,为别人打自己的人那就是奸了。联 合以后就出现关系主义的东西。 我现在谈谈我所提倡的人类学是什么样的人类学。对中国的民族研究,我认为要用“关系学”或“关系主义”的角度来思考:“民族关系学研究”,而不是“民族关系研究”。关系学中有三角、两元、一元等结构。这时候出现一种游戏规则,不是你死我活,而是一种可能性。这里有合作,有关联,有信任与背叛,有道德,有政治,也有情感。 再一点是少数民族的视野问题。如果说我对中国人类学有什么见解,或者大言不惭地说有什么贡献,我想我提出了一个看中国民族问题的新的角度。这个角度里面有很多小的角度,其中一个角度是我一直在问这么一个问题:有很多研究边疆民族的汉族藏学家、彝学家、蒙古学家,但找不到一个蒙古族汉学家,以蒙古人的立场、观点来研究、欣赏汉族文化,然后把这些好的东西吸纳到自己的文化里。这在其他少数民族里也是没有的。如果有,他也没有体现本民族的主体性,他是进入了汉族的圈里,在那里面讨论。不像西方的汉学家,有自己宏大的叙述。 汉族在叙述凉山问题、西藏问题的时候,也有中国宏大的叙述模式,比如对西藏,汉族研究肯定会讲从四川过去,或是从文成公主开始,但并不一定意识到为什么要从这里开始。为什么汉族人能够研究其他民族,为什么少数民族不能研究汉族,为什么不能互惠?这种相互性有什么不好?为什么汉族人研究边疆问题是正当的,而边疆少数民族以自己的立场研究汉族是不正当的?这出现学术的政治性。 也许有这样的学者,但相比于汉族学者是不成比例的。中国周边一些国家,除了日本,韩国,对中国的认识很浅。我到蒙古国看了,它对中国的理解是很微不足道,他认为他对中国很了解,因为他觉得中国是坏的,研究坏人干什么。哈萨克斯坦的汉学家水平可能还不如我,研究也很有限;乌兹别克斯坦、塔吉克斯坦都基本没有中国学,也就是学点汉语,做点买卖,没有中国学出现。它也是国家啊,它应该对自己最重要的邻居有所了解!我认为我做的贡献是从长城以外的角度来探索和理解中国。 我对少数民族没有多少研究,我研究的是中国的行为,像我的第二本书,讲的是中国的民族团结;第三本书,是三角关系,但还是在中国的语法结构里,而没有深入去探讨蒙古的王系等。我希望超越人类学的谱系,比如你的老师是谁,你是哪个学派的,这些对我没有任何意义,尽管我必须了解这些。我了解这些,但我不愿意进入这样的谱系里。因为对于“什么是问题”,我们有不可调和的意见。很多人认为边疆是问题,我却不认为这是问题。他为什么认为这是个问题?很可能通过这个访谈,有人说我是个有问题的人。那我反过来问一下,你为什么认为是我有问题,你的脑子里为什么出现这样的概念呢?我要一种互惠的、相互的关系。我追求一种感觉。我让那些认为我有问题的人,对视下我的眼睛,我俩坐下来谈谈。这是一个看民族问题的很关键的角度。这些出发点,最基本的东西不解决,再有学识也没用。反过来,有人说这对民族团结不好啊。恰恰相反,我的目的是把问题说出来,因为你期待的、想象的美好的东西出现了问题,我把这个肿瘤打开来看看,让它亮出来找到治病的方法,最后让民族之间更好地团结,不然就是一厢情愿。民族界需要这样的声音,这样的声音不一定是resistance,而是engagement,通过深入的交谈,共同找到解决问题的办法。 我这样的看法和我的经历,我的蒙古历史意识有一定的关系。蒙古人看世界和汉族人看世界是不同的。昨天(在国际彝学会议上)有人讲到彝族人认为怎样的地方适合居住,以及彝、汉、藏的关系等等。这是讲其民族视野问题。蒙古的视野是世界性的视野,开阔得很。现在很多人在自觉不自觉地运用蒙古的视野。当初中国为什么形成这样的格局,因为蒙元。凉山这块地方、西藏从那时开始纳入中国的版图,中国的行省制度是蒙古人定下来的,这不需要我来提醒。蒙古人在治理国家的时候,对统治的族群集团也说他是人,不是动物,不像汉族那样。蒙古人统治肯定有不合理的地方,有压迫,分等级;但他首先承认被征服者是人,不是一开始说自己是人,对方是猪啊狗啊的。当把被统治的民族当成是人的时候,就会出现一个政治格局的特点: 他不会强迫你同化,而是承认你的不同,你的异质性。所以蒙古人设土司,让你自治。北方族群集团一般是承认人的异质性的,华夏民族则不愿意接受别人的异质性,尽管今天开始讲和而不同,但这个似乎从来没很好地体现在政治上。 我还对历史的书写,尤其中国少数民族革命史有兴趣。什么是少数民族的革命,少数民族革命是为了谁?当今国共和解了,民族关系怎么处理?中国民族关系是建立在中国共产党跟少数民族的友谊之上,比如彝海结盟,他的敌对方是国民党,但国民党和共产党和解了,没有内部冲突后,少数民族能不能接受国民党? 那么少数民族革命史怎么写?少数民族自治的伦理基础还存在吗?人类学对此能阐释什么东西呢?我在第二、三本书里有明确的讨论。我对成吉思汗很感兴趣,但我不敢写,因为我是他的祭祀人。整个鄂尔多斯部族是具有一种历史使命的群体,在忽必烈的时代,他们是从蒙古所有部族,蒙古统治的所有地方抽调一部分人组成的。这个部族有守卫祭祀成吉思汗灵魂––不是其尸骨,而是他最后一口气––这样的使命。我们有祭奠蒙古所有祖先灵魂的使命,我们是有内部纪律性的;尽管内部纪律今天被打破,但我感觉到要有一种自律,很多东西不能由我来写。对成吉思汗的谩骂、侮辱、赞扬,攀附,这些对我们这个部族来说不是很重要,我们在乎的是人们记得他,有时谩骂也是一种记忆。谩骂是定义谩骂者自己的界限。 到此,我的一段民族研究历程已经走完,写了三本书,从蒙古国的民族主义及其杂揉,到中国的民族团结,到合作民族主义的三元关系,三部曲结束。关于蒙古,我从民族关系学、民族政治角度的研究已经结束了,压在我肩膀上20多年的担子已经卸掉了。 我去年开始到凉山,这次又从西藏下来到西昌。想看看少数民族出身的学者能不能研究另外的民族。我是少数民族出身的,美国公民,在英国教书。我一直没有忘记我的导师一开始给我说的一句话,你应该去研究别的民族,不要研究自己的民族。我后来想这个道理是对的,少数民族为什么总是要看自己的肚脐眼呢?为什么总是觉得自己是最美的呢?少数民族学者有没有能力、涵养去欣赏别的民族的文化,或者有没有这样的涵量去empathise,当别人痛苦的时候,能不 能有同情感?我不是抽象的人类学家,我首先是个人,其次我是在内蒙古长大的,从沙漠绿洲出来的,求学、汉化、再蒙古化,世界化,寻求各个民族之间的友好关系,寻找普世价值观和文化特性之间的有机切合点,解决民族之间的冲突问题。我一直在探索这些内容。 这是我第一次在中国做访谈,成了长篇独白,主要介绍一下我自己的研究历程,但言不尽意,意犹未尽。非常感谢《中国人类学评论》能通过这样的方式让我与中国人类学同仁相识!我期盼着在某些领域里面能向他们学习,并交流研究心得。 时间:2010 年8 月4 日

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