Tuesday, June 28, 2022

Why we write

Why we write
Ali Smith
13 June 2022
published in Issue One
A LETTER

I

Dear George Orwell,
Why do we write? Given that words and reality, as you once put it, are so often « no liker » to each other « than chessmen to living beings ».
Because I'm writing to you now from a future no-one could have seen coming –– except maybe yourself, and H G Wells, and J G Ballard and the furthest-seeing writers over the centuries from Sophocles to Margaret Atwood.
Because everything you wrote gifts us with the knowledge that words are the chesspieces by which the powers that be will play their games with our lives. You know, as the current UK Prime Minister puts it, that « human beings are creatures of the imagination », that « people live by narrative ».
I've been reading your 1946 essay Why I Write, with its portrait of yourself as a child who already understood our natural attraction to narrative, our need of it to make sense of, mark and question who we think we are, and above all to let us be conscious of and about what it is we're doing, both in reality and when we narrate ourselves via our fantasies of self and reality:
I used to imagine that I was, say, Robin Hood, and picture myself as the hero of thrilling adventures, but quite soon my « story » ceased to be narcissistic in a crude way and became more and more a mere description of what I was doing … For minutes at a time this kind of thing would be running through my head: He pushed the door open and entered the room. A yellow beam of sunlight, filtering through the muslin curtains, slanted on to the table, where a matchbox, half open, lay beside the inkpot. With his right hand in his pocket he moved across to the window.
What a double-strength consciousness in you at this early stage, of how our versions of reality will involve not just a form of narration but also to some extent a crucial consciousness of that narration as construct. Look at the way that making a version of reality also involves a transformation into past tense. Why is that? Is the past tense more ceremonious? More handle-able?
« Who controls the past controls the future, and who controls the present controls the past. » This is one of your most famous examples of sloganeering, straight out of the totalitarian state, Oceania, in your great novel 1984. I was a latecomer to reading 1984, and when I found out that some of its original possible titles were The Last Man in Europe and The Last European I shook my head at the synchronicity, because I finally read it for the first time in 2016, in the initial shock of the EU referendum which, by proffering what looked like a future, shunted this country back into its past.
I was a much earlier reader of Animal Farm, 40 years earlier, in a class in Inverness High School in the Highlands of Scotland, where it was on the excellent school curriculum. I see now how it equipped me at the age of 14 with a way to register not just that power will corrupt but how it will. It also gave me an acute consciousness of the working of power in language.
Two legs bad.
Four legs good.
Such small words. Monosyllables. Such power when they're put together.
Though some are more powerful than others, all slogans are powerful. The word slogan derives from Scottish Gaelic, from the words sluagh and ghairm, meaning war and cry. At root, a slogan's a war cry, whether it's take back control, make America great again, kauf nicht beim Juden, it's the real thing, I'm lovin' it, just do it.
Because of you we all know how to read with our eyes open. Take the contemporary terms woke or virtue signalling, their reduction, dismissal and patrolling of people's ethical attentiveness easily unmasked as one of the oldest tricks in the book, as blatant persuasion to get people to press the sleep button not just on activism but on any articulation of ethical consciousness. Or the word antifa, an edited-down version of the word antifascist, coined specifically to cloak then remove the verbal presence, the threat, and the real history of the word fascist, and replace it with a coining that changes the act of opposing fascism into something made to sound a bit foreign, a word not from round here.
« A sleepwalking people ... the phrase that Hitler coined for the Germans », you wrote. Doublethink is the word you yourself coined in 1984. At its heart, you said in the novel, doublethink performs « the ultimate subtlety: consciously to induce unconsciousness ».
All narrative is hypnotic. Some narratives are more hypnotic than others. Because of you, we can be conscious of the kinds and the workings of the narratives that set out to deaden us, lessen us, make us lie, make us part of the lie.

II

So here we are in all the consciousness, subconsciousness and unconsciousness of the 2020s. In a time when we've globally been united by having to consider like never before what it means to be able to breathe freely, I've just read, for the first time, your 1939 novel Coming Up for Air. You wrote it in Morocco where you went in 1938 to try to scotch the start of what would later be diagnosed as TB, the disease that would get you in the end. You'd also not long before been wounded by a bullet in the throat in the Spanish Civil War, where you encountered « human beings ... trying to behave as human beings and not as cogs in the capitalist machine » at the same time as you encountered the bitter lying, the fake news, the internal treachery, that happens no matter what side you're on when power and politics make real mincemeat of real people then lie about it afterwards.
Your subject, I think, all through your oeuvre, is the urgency of unmasking both truth and lies, and narrative's role in these, and the question of the life it's possible to live between truth, lies and fiction in a world where « yesterday's weather can be changed by decree », when the fragile balance that lets us live lives without being reduced to bloody mincemeat starts to tremble. On the one hand, the knowledge that « however much you deny the truth, the truth goes on existing. » On the other –– and we're all deep in this seductive divisive quagmire right now nationally and internationally all over again –– how « everyone believes in the atrocities of the enemy and disbelieves in those of his own side, » how « the truth becomes untruth when your enemies utter it. »
Coming Up for Air is a funny, mordant piece of English disabuse, a novel about the big and little truths and lies in the average life of a man with an average wife and two kids, « Tubby », or George Bowling, 45, who loves his family in that qualified English way, and is rising in the insurance trade, but not very far, probably not much further. He's had a not very idyllic childhood in a place not very hopefully called Lower Binfield. By chance he's read a few books, nothing too grand or intellectual, but he likes how they make you think. He loves fishing, but hasn't been fishing for years. He's put on enough weight to feel the eye of social judgement on him. But he understands that. He's a modern chap in a time where, « if you see a man down », the thing to do is « jump on his guts before he gets up again. » George bowls along like the novel itself does, with heady lightness tethered to a claustrophobic undertow, one world war behind him and another round the corner. Doomed, cheeky, like the novel's epigraph straight from a funny Gracie Fields song, he's dead but he won't lie down. What can bring him truly alive? Going back to the past, maybe? « Sometimes when you come out of a train of thought you feel as if you were coming up from deep water, but this time it was the other way about, it was as though it was back in 1900 that I'd been breathing real air », he thinks, before the novel makes clear the lie at the heart of any return to a perfect past, because this is a novel about irrevocable change, and about facing that change. That pond where you first fell in love? It's now a rubbish dump. The big house everyone aspired to? Now a lunatic asylum. George looks around him at the learned, at the blindly loyal politicos he encounters, and at himself, and thinks « perhaps a lot of the people you see walking about are dead. ... Perhaps a man really dies when his brain stops, when he loses the power to take in a new idea. »
The book's most cold-eyed moments, when the truth of a life cuts through the self-serving myth of that life: these are what let George and the readers of this book catch their breath, get their breath back, remember the difference between the inspire and expire of breathing –– in other words between living and dying. How not just to stay alive, but truly to be alive, to the changes, through the changes. The novel brings its England up from its deeps to the surface and says, go on, take a breather, but it never compromises on the dark of the undertow. Insurance? against totalitarianism? when « the world we're going down into », as George says, is « the kind of hate-world, slogan-world. The coloured shirts, the barbed wire, the rubber truncheons. The secret cells where the electric light burns night and day, and the detectives watching you while you sleep … »
How outlandish fiction is! Not here. That'll never happen here. Well. Let's take just one of those images: those night and day burning electric light cells. They're how the UK government, right now, houses the most mentally traumatised of its detained refugees in the private security-company-run detention centres up and down England. Solitary, 24 hour lock-in, checks every few hours through the door-hole, in a country whose government is determined, as I write, to legislate to criminalise refugees along with other « outsiders » like travellers and protesters. That'll sound very like something you watched happen not that far from home in your own lifetime, Mr Orwell, something against which you judged it worth fighting a world war.
« And what'll happen », here's George Bowling's voice nearly a century ago, « to chaps like me when we get fascism in England? The truth is it probably won't make the slightest difference. ... It's all going to happen. ... it was as though the power of prophecy had been given me. ... I could see the whole of England, and all the people in it, and all the things that'll happen to all of them. »
Of course I expected prophecy. What I didn't expect was to find quite such piercingly personal shades of my own life experience. In Coming Up for Air, George Bowling's parents are small shopkeepers. They run a meal supply business and a store. It looks like it'll last forever. Then a conglomerate opens in Lower Binfield and kills off George Bowling's father's shop and business. My own father was one of the few electricians in Inverness when we were growing up; he had 30 men working for him and a shop that mended goods and sold lightbulbs, batteries, toasters, hairdryers. When Dixons and Currys and Thatcherism happened it did his business in. Why mend a toaster when you can buy a new one so cheap?
Or no, okay, it's just time, and change, that did his shop, his business, his life, in. Time'll do us all in. As to change, I wonder what you'd reckon to the England I'm writing from right now, with its spanking new Westminster media centre union jacks, and with the constituent parts of the nominal unitedness of the kingdom now pulling away from England in all directions. Scotland will leave; brexit has reignited its european roots. And Ireland will reunite. And Wales has seen the potential too for another future. This is real change, and it's been brought to surface by the actions of the same-old same oldness that you write about in The Lion and Unicorn in 1940: « Right through our national life we have got to fight against privilege, against the notion that a half witted public schoolboy is better for command than an intelligent mechanic. »
I think our current version of this public schoolboy has all his wits about him and is one of the best fictionalists I've ever seen in politics, and always in service to the lie. Well, as you say, « such leaders only appear when the psychological need for them exists. » But much bigger than this, and them, is real ancient change, change by plague and pestilence, and a whole new ordeal by fire and flood, climate change, which'll teach us all the truth: that borders are random, that the planet is way bigger than the lies the conglomerates and self-serving leaders have been selling us.

III

So. Why write anything?
Here are two past tense moments from my own life that've let me come up for the kind of air that means we know the imperative to envisage a better future.
The first comes from a visit I made myself to Morocco twenty years ago when I spent a week with Medicin sans Frontiers in Tangiers, meeting refugees from sub-Saharan Africa who were trying to get to Europe. My guide and interpreter was a man who asked me to call him Pascal; he didn't want anyone to know his real name. He was on the run from people who wanted him dead because they thought he was the wrong religion. He could speak more languages than most people I've met; he had the top segment of a finger missing, and an earlobe gone too, and when I asked him what had happened to him he told me he lost both to the netting of an underwater barbed wire fence he'd been trapped in and had had to tear himself free of so as not to drown.
The other moment is to do with my father's life; it's something I've written about before, elsewhere, but think it makes sense here to tell it again. It relates to your own vision, Mr Orwell, of how this country and its countries would come up for air after the Second World War –– when « the working class », as you put it, would, « want some kind of proof that a better life is ahead for themselves and their children. » Your vision was of a benign revolution. The welfare state, it turns out, was revolutionary. It wildly brightened people's life chances. My family's for sure. But my father's take on this betterment was less about us all being given an equal chance and more about levelling up, to use a hollow slogan from our own times. He went from poverty into the navy, enlisted in 1942 as soon as he was 18 because the navy paid more than the brick factory. And the navy taught him a trade for life, and the war gave him nightmares for life. To assuage these nightmares he'd often proclaim to us, his kids, we fought that war so that the sons of common men like me would be admitted to the playing fields of Eton. Not the daughters, note. My dad was of his times too. We all helplessly are.
Anyway, at the time in the war when the Italians switched sides, and the ship my father was serving on was sailing up to Italy, one day he was leaning over the side miles from land when he saw a horde of paratroopers, allies, Americans, and they were all hitting the water because they'd been dropped too far out at sea. Hundreds of them waving up at the men on the ship. There's no way a ship can stop, my father said when he told us this story half a century later. So they called down to the men in the water that they'd come back for them, they'd pick them up on the way back. Of course, the men on the boat knew they wouldn't, and the men in the water knew they wouldn't too.
Some waved down. Some waved up.
The ship sailed on.
Why we write.
Much love, dear George Orwell, from this writer, this lifelong grateful reader.

Oui, the People

ALAN RYAN

Oui, the People

The Man who Understood Democracy: The Life of Alexis de Tocqueville

By 

Princeton University Press 443pp £28 order from our bookshop
 
Olivier Zunz has written what must surely be the definitive account of the public life of Alexis de Tocqueville. It was 'public' in the sense not only of his career as a not entirely successful member of the Chamber of Deputies and, briefly, foreign minister under Louis Napoléon, but also of his role as an author eager to explain to his fellow countrymen what their political future might hold. The story is told with an attention to detail that will leave many readers struggling to keep up, but which lends the narrative great solidity and persuasiveness.
Tocqueville was a strikingly improbable figure. He was an aristocrat of the most elevated kind who could barely bring himself to shake hands with the bourgeois members of the Chamber of Deputies. He nonetheless took it as read that the days of aristocratic rule and privilege were over and devoted himself to trying to teach the French how to create a bourgeois democracy that would avoid the disasters of lurching from revolution to autocracy, from Robespierre to Napoleon. He was equally conscious of being French, yet he married a middle-class Englishwoman, Mary Mottley, several years his senior, who was accepted only with great reluctance by his family.
Perhaps the greatest improbability was that he existed at all. He was born in 1805, but eleven years previously much of his extended family had been wiped out in the Terror. His parents were awaiting the guillotine on the day Robespierre fell from power. The youngest son of Hervé and Louise-Madeleine, Tocqueville was a small child with a shaky constitution. He was brought up under the care of a tutor, the Abbé Lesueur, known affectionately as Bébé, who was an ardent royalist. Tocqueville's father was a prefect in various places under Louis XVIII, finally at Versailles, and Tocqueville grew up in an atmosphere of unquestioning loyalty to the restored Bourbon monarchy. This was not the same thing as thinking that Bourbon governments were intelligently or prudently run.
After a desultory career at law school, Tocqueville joined the public administration as an unpaid juge d'instruction, a role with no exact equivalent in the English legal system. He found the work rather dull and was saved from complete boredom by the company of Gustave de Beaumont, a fellow lawyer and in due course his travelling companion in the United States. The question of what to do in the long run was settled by political upheaval. In 1830, the pendulum swung once more and Charles X was driven from office, to be replaced by Louis Philippe, the bourgeois monarch.
This posed a dilemma for Tocqueville and Beaumont. Would they take the oath of allegiance to Louis Philippe that was required of civil servants, or would they resign? In the end they signed up, but as unhappily as possible. Escape came in an unlikely shape. Both had been interested in prison reform and both thought badly of the French penal system, which neither punished effectively nor did anything to reform prison inmates. They proposed to their superiors that they should take an eighteen-month leave of absence to study the American penal system. They sweetened the pill by agreeing to go at their own expense. In the event, they were recalled after a mere nine months, but they did what they had agreed to do, and the first result of the journey that ultimately produced Democracy in America was 'On the Penitentiary System in the United States and Its Application to France'.
The title of this biography is more than a little at odds with Zunz's account of Tocqueville's American journey, which might be called 'the man who hadn't a clue about America'. Tocqueville had read some of the travel literature on the United States, but most of his expectations were derived from the lectures of François Guizot on the rise of the English middle class. The United States was the country where the middle class was triumphant. Zunz points out that most of the people Tocqueville met in the United States were in fact members of the upper class from New England and New York. 'Ordinary' Americans were few and far between, and not present at the endless round of dinner parties to which Tocqueville and Beaumont were subjected.
Zunz's account of the journey is nonetheless engaging. The pair's adventures on a variety of steamboats and their near-fatal shipwreck, not to mention Tocqueville's desperate illness en route to New Orleans, are the stuff of a Boy's Own story. And there were touching incidents, too. One came during their two-week excursion to the frontier, where they were astonished to hear a bois brûlé – a half-Native-American, half-French-Canadian – singing a medieval French tune. Regret for the French North America that might have been was never far from Tocqueville's mind. Another incident was altogether less happy. In Arkansas, they encountered a band of Choctaws who were being forcibly removed to Oklahoma on the so-called 'trail of tears'. They were appalled.
Summoned back to France several months earlier than they had anticipated, Tocqueville and Beaumont saw little of the Southern states and never visited a plantation. They also saw very little of Congress. It was enough to reinforce Tocqueville's prejudices against the rougher sort of American politician. The House of Representatives was loud, ignorant and uncouth, but the Senate contained the assembled wisdom of the nation. For all his reputation as the great theorist of democracy, Tocqueville was never an enthusiast for universal suffrage or the kind of electoral politics that went with it.
Once home, they decided they could not bear their former jobs and resigned. The first priority was to write the promised account of American prisons. It duly appeared early in 1833, Tocqueville being at this point still only twenty-eight years old. It was more than respectfully received, securing for the authors the Montyon Prize of the French Academy, but it was not the path to fame that Tocqueville wanted. This was reached when the first volume of Democracy in America appeared in 1835, though the ground had been prepared through his assiduous attendance at the most influential salons in Paris. Oddly, no American publisher was interested until a pirated edition came out in 1838. Even then, Americans remained lukewarm to it, not much liking Tocqueville's warnings against the tyranny of the majority. The second volume appeared in 1840 and was much less successful, probably because it was more abstract and readers were puzzled by what Tocqueville meant by the 'new political science' he declared necessary for studying anything as unprecedented as a fully functioning democracy.
But Tocqueville had by now embarked on his second career as a politician both in parliament and in the press. In 1837, he failed to be elected for his home district in Normandy, but he remedied this in 1839 and was re-elected throughout the following decade. His physical place in the (raked, semicircular) Chamber of Deputies was an apt reflection of his political position: high up and slightly left of centre. He was not gifted as an orator or blessed with the ingratiating arts necessary to climb the greasy pole. But he was not without influence. Surprisingly for a liberal, he was a strenuous advocate of the conquest and colonisation of Algeria; less surprisingly, he was an equally strenuous opponent of slavery.
His career reached a sort of peak after the 1848 revolution. Democrat though he notionally was, he was fiercely anti-socialist and defended the repressive measures taken during and after the so-called June Days. His position was defensible – order was the precondition of civil liberty – but the ferocity of his hostility to the leaders of the revolution was a good deal less so. His reward was to be made foreign minister, a post he served in from June to October 1849. But revolution was succeeded not by an orderly constitutional monarchy, as Tocqueville had hoped, but by the coup of December 1851 that brought Louis Napoléon to power. Tocqueville retired to the country and settled down to write what John Stuart Mill aptly described as the third of his masterpieces, The Ancien Régime and Revolution. He was by this time seriously ill with tuberculosis, so only the first of two projected volumes was completed and published in 1856. He died in Cannes in 1859 and is buried in Normandy.
So was Tocqueville the man who understood democracy? Not exactly. What he understood by the irresistible rise of democracy was not the entrenchment of such principles as one person, one vote or the growth of political parties on the American pattern. It was, as he insisted in the second volume of Democracy in America, a matter of what he called les moeurs, a hard-to-translate expression, equivalent to the Latin mores, embracing both private morality and social expectations. What had gone forever was an unquestioned acceptance of an inherited social hierarchy. What frightened Tocqueville was the prospect that the egalitarian pressures of this new world would result in a novel form of despotism, what critics call 'soft despotism', a state of affairs in which everyone retreats into their private spheres and a centralising government manages everything behind their backs. What he would have made of the very unsoft despotism of Hitler and Stalin, both backed by mass support, is impossible to say.

Monday, June 27, 2022

The Organization of Your Bookshelves Tells Its Own Story

The Organization of Your Bookshelves Tells Its Own Story

The complexity of the human heart can be expressed in the arrangement of one's books.


My father loved books more than anything else in the world. He owned about 11,000 of them at the time of his death, in March of 2021, at 83 years old. There were books in his living room and bedroom, books in the hallways and closets and kitchen.

Sometimes I stop in the center of my own home like a bird arrested in flight, entranced by the books that line my walls. I live in a small Manhattan apartment, and I, too, have books in the living room, the bedroom, the hallway, the closets. Often, I stare at them because I'm puzzling over their geography. I wonder if I've placed any book in the wrong spot, according to an emotional map I've made of my bookshelves. As I gaze at the titles, the associations come tumbling out. Tennessee Williams's Memoirs is next to a biography of Patrick Dennis called Uncle Mame, because Williams and Dennis had many things in common: Pathos. Cruel fathers. Spectacular female characters. A Dictionary of Yiddish Slang & Idioms is next to Heartburn because, however secular Nora Ephron was, her humor comes from deep within her Jewishness. The Lord of the Rings is between Time and Again and Rosemary's Baby because I like how they form a triumvirate of fantasy stories that have nothing in common save my personal opinion that they are the finest of their genre. (Many would argue that Rosemary's Baby belongs in horror, not fantasy, but my system allows for the blurring of these lines.)

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And then there's the shelf above my desk. It wouldn't be entirely accurate to say that it's where I keep my favorite books. A more esoteric logic is at work. In About Alice, Calvin Trillin wrote that his wife had a large envelope marked important stuff, in which she collected letters the children had written her, records of their accomplishments, and other ephemera. She seemed to know what belonged in that envelope on raw instinct. So it is with the shelf above my desk. Here are the books that speak to some part of my sensibility—my youthful daydreams, the worlds I once imagined for myself. The Princess Bride is up there—I read it in a single day when I was 12 years old. "This is my favorite book in all the world, though I have never read it." Who could put it down after an opening line like that? Also on this shelf: Birds of New York Field Guide, because I used to fantasize that my newborn would one day be a junior member of the National Audubon Society. Next to that: Tiffany's Table Manners for Teenagers, a long-ago gift from my mother that embodied her high standards of kindness and etiquette.

My books about writing are in the center of the shelf, because writing is what I do at my desk. They make me less afraid to be alone with my keyboard. Among them is On Writing, by Jorge Luis Borges. Yet this book is not there because it is about writing. It is there because of my father.

My father loved Borges. I remember him reading aloud a passage in which Borges expressed his admiration for how "physical" English is. It had ways to describe motions through space, he said, that were more keenly expressive than those he could find in his native language, Spanish. My father read the passage with sensual care, the way a gourmand enjoys a bowl of freshly harvested peas (M. F. K. Fisher, An Alphabet for Gourmets) or the way James Beard uses brisk rhythm and precise timing to achieve the optimal texture for scrambled eggs (James Beard, Beard on Food). My father's joy in Borges's words spread gently across his face in a smile that tugged at his lips and lit up his eyes. When he read aloud, you knew, deep in your bones, that you were learning a kind of catechism.

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My father especially loved Borges's short story "The Library of Babel," which is about a library that is its own universe, filled with books whose typographical symbols seem to be arranged at random. Within the collection exists every possible combination of 25 characters (22 letters, the period, the comma, and the space). The library thus holds every book ever written—and every book that ever could be written—and all their permutations. This drives the story's narrator to despair, for though the library contains all the treasures of the human mind, they are effectively impossible to find. My father, a graduate of Caltech, loved mathematics as much as he loved books. Here we parted company, and when he described "The Library of Babel," my mind began to wander, though I did not let on. I could no more spoil his delight than I could knock over a child's sandcastle. Besides, he had conveyed what mattered: his own love for the story, which, after his death, gripped me with the force of incantation.

Now I use "The Library of Babel" as a metaphor for the landscape of my own library. My books are not organized alphabetically, or, for the most part, by genre. The arrangement seems to have been made entirely at random, unless you know the quirk by which it was conceived. Books are placed next to one another for companionship, based on some kinship or shared sensibility that I believe ties them together. The Little Prince is next to Act One, by Moss Hart, because I think Hart and Antoine de Saint-Exupéry convey, in their respective works, a similar purity of heart and openness of expression. The Little Prince is a French fable set primarily in the Sahara; Act One is a memoir of a poor Jewish boy's journey to Broadway. But to me, they are about the same thing: finding what matters in life, and shutting out all that is of no consequence.

I marvel that the complexity of the human heart can be expressed in the arrangement of one's books. Inside this paper universe, I find sense within confusion, calm within a storm, the soothing murmur of hundreds of books communing with their neighbors. Opening them reveals treasured passages gently underlined in pencil; running my hand over the Mylar-wrapped hardcovers reminds me of how precious they are. Not just the books themselves, but the ideas within, the recollections they evoke. The image of my father at his desk. The sound of his diction and intonation as he brought each character to life and drove each plot twist home. In these things, I beheld the card catalog of the infinite library of his heart, the map of his soul, drawn with aching clarity in the topography of his books.

高峰枫︱伊斯坦布尔1943

 假如钱锺书1940年代因战乱滞留越南,被河内的印度支那大学聘为英文系系主任;假如他为越南本科生开设了一门西方文学入门课程,用英文讲授;假如抗战之后,他备课的英文讲稿以《西方文学研究导论》为标题在商务印书馆出版;那么,这本并不存在的书,其内容和意义就非常接近德国学者埃里希·奥尔巴...